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POLITICAL 



LANDMARKS 



HISTORY OF PARTIES, 



FR OM THE ORGANIZATION OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT TO 
THE PRESENT TIME, 



COMPILED FROM THE MOST RELIABL2 AUTHORS, BY 

DANIEL MUNGER. 



DETROIT: 

PRINTED BY FOX & EASTMAN. 

185L 






I2&4U 



7 



PREFACE. 



In presenting to the public this volume, entitled the u Po- 
litical Landmarks : or History of Parties/' we feel that we 
have undertaken a severe task ; yet we hope that the facts we 
have endeavored to collect, from the most intelligent and reli- 
able authors, and arrange together, will be satisfactory to 
the reader as being a faithful delineation of the political his- 
tory of the country. It is of much importance that these 
" landmarks" should be kept constantly in view by those 
coming upon the political stage > as they must soon be cal- 
led upon to guide the ship of state. Our great men are now 
arriving at an age which must ere long deprive us of their 
invaluable services. Among the number, we must mention 
Messrs. Cass, Clay, Buchanan, Benton, Webster, Wood- 
bury, Dallas, &c. These men have occupied conspicuous 
places in the political history of our government, but the 
measure of time allotted to man for his sojourn upon this 
. earth, has with them been nearly filled. The senate of the 
United States now embraces the most brilliant galaxy of 
talent and statesmanship that was ever assembled in a le- 
gislative body upon the face of the globe, unless perhaps a 
period antecedent, in the same body, Vould have found 



IV PREFACE. 

added to the glorious list of talented men, the late Hon. 
John C. Calhoun and Silas Wright, but the sand has nearly 
run, and new men must fill the places of the living. It is 
important, therefore, that our young men should make the 
effort to qualify themselves for public stations. None should 
think for a moment that even the highest distinctions are 
beyond their reach. Among the men here mentioned there 
is hardly one who does not owe his enviable position in the 
political world, to his own perseverance. We must say that 
we have fears as to the industry and application of those 
coming upon the stage as the successors of the great men 
of the nation alluded to. When they were young, times 
and circumstances were vastly different from what^hey are 
at the present time. Their fortunes and fame depended 
upon their own industry and perseverance, while at the 
present day a competency to carry one through life is more 
easily obtained, and frequently falls from estates, without 
the least effort on the part of the recipient. The great 
danger is, that such a state of things will have a tendency 
to paralize the efforts and energies of those who must fill 
up the scene of life upon the political stage. 

Gen. Cass came upon the politieal stage poor, and with 
an ordinary education, in the practice of the law. Being 
possessed of an ambitious spirit, and an unusual degree of 
industry, he made himself what he is, probably one of the 
most accomplished scholars in the Union. Had he been 
brought up in luxury in younger days, it is quite doubtful 
whether he would have been prompted to attempt the Her- 
culean task. He will live to enjoy his luxury in his older 
age, as the competency of this world's goods allotted to 
him probably far outstrips that of the others named. 



Col. Benton is said to be the most studious man of trfe 
age. He is remarkable for his statistical information. 
Whatever subject arises in the senate he can put his hands 
upon the necessary papers, or information relative to the 
same, or something analogous, either in his table drawer or 
in the library. His whole time, aside from his senatorial 
duties, are devoted to researches in his library. 

The same can be said to a great extent of Henry Clay, 
and of John C. Calhoun, and Silas Wright while living. 
Mr. Webster is said not to be so studious, but never forgets 
any thing he has read or heard during his life. His early 
education was of the most complete order. 

It has been our effort, in this undertaking, to place before 
the public, the prominent facts connected with political 
history from the organization of the national government 
to the present time. The low price fixed upon the work 
will render it accessible to all ; and should our efforts prove 
satisfactory to the public, our object will have been accom- 
plished. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, 

CONVENTION TO FRAME CONSTITUTION, 1787. 
WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION. % 

JOHN ADAMS" do 

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S do 
JAMES MADISON'S do 

DECLARATION OF WAR IN 1812, 

HARTFORD CONVENTION. PROCEEDINGS AND REPORT.. 
JAMES MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION, 
JOHN QCINCY ADAMS' do 
ANDREW JACKSON'S do 
MARTIN VAN B CREN'S do 
WILLIAM H. HARRISON'S do 
JOHN TYLER'S do 

JAMES K. POLK'S do 

ZACHARY TAYLOR'S do 
MILLARD FILLMORE'S do 
NEW POST OFFFICE LAW, 
NATURALIZATION LAWS, 
ELECTION LAW OF MICHIGAN, 
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT, 
STATE GOVERNMENTS, 

ELECTORAL VOTES OF ALL THE PRESIDENTS, 
CENSUS FROM 1790 TO 1850, « 

INDEBTEDNESS OF STATES, 
CENSUS OF MICHIGAN BY TOWNS, 
do do BY COUNTIES, 



41 

45 

47 

89 

98 

1C5 

173 

193 

202 

226 

236 

246 

251 

259 

265 

266 

267 

268 



276 
283 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS, 



COMPRISING 



A HISTORY OF PARTIES, 

From the organization of the Government to the present time. 



CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 

The sessions of the Continental Congress were com- 
menced as follows : September 5, 1774; also May 10, 
1775; at Philadelphia ; December 29, 1776, at Baltirqpre ; 
March 4, 1777, at Philadelphia; September 27, 1777, at 
Lancaster, Pa. ; September 30, 1777, at York, Pa. ; July 
2, 1778, at Philadelphia ; June 30, 1783, at Princeton, New- 
Jersey ; November 26, 1783, at Annapolis, Maryland ; No- 
vember 1, 1784, at Trenton, New- Jersey; January 11, 1785, 
at New-York, which from that time continued to be the 
place of meeting, until the adoption of the Constitution of 
the United States 



CONVENTION TO FRAME CONSTITUTION.— FIRST 
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 

In May, 1787, a convention was assembled at Philadel- 
phia to frame a new constitution. General George Wash- 
ington was sent as a delegate from Virginia, and was 
unanimously chosen President of that body In 1789, he 



2 POLITICAL landmarks; 

was unanimously chosen the first President of the United 
States, by electoral votes given by States, as follows : 
New-Hampshire, ------ 5 

Massachusetts, - - -• - - - 10 

Connecticut, 7 

New-Jersey, ------- 6 

Pennsylvania, - - - - - - - 10 

Delaware, - - - - - 8 

Maryland, 6 

Virginia, ------- 10 

South-Carolina, 7 

Georgia, 5 

69 

The legislature of New-York having omitted to pass a 
law directing the mode of choosing electors, owing to a 
disagreement between the two branches of the legislature, 
no vote was cast from that state. The ten states gave 
sixty-nine votes, all for General Washington ; and thirty- 
four votes were given for John Adams, and thirty-five votes 
we*e scattering. By the constitution, as it then stood, the 
President and Vice President were voted for by the electors 
upon an equal footing — the one receiving the largest num- 
ber of votes being elected President, and the one receiving 
the next largest number, being elected Vice President : 
John Adams was, therefore, elected Vice President. 

The intelligence of the election of General Washington 
was first communicated to him at his residence at Mount 
Vernon, by Mr. Charles Thompson, secretary of the then 
late Continental Congress. The urgency of the public busi- 
ness required the immediate attention of the Presidentelect 
at the seat of government; he consequently left for New- 
York immediately, in company with Mr. Thompson and 
Colonel Humphreys. On his way thither he was greeted 
by the people of the different places through which he 
passed, with the most enthusiastic and decisive evidences 
of attachment and respect. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 3 

Soon after the adjournment of Congress, General Wash- 
ington selected his cabinet. Thomas Jefferson was ap- 
pointed Secretary of State ; Alexander Hamilton, Secretary 
of the Treasury ; Henry Knox, Secretary of War ; and 
Edmund Randolph, Attorney General. Mr. Jefferson re- 
turned from a mission to France and assumed the duties of 
Secretary of State in March, 1790. 

John Jay, of New-York, was appointed Chief Justice of 
the supreme court ; and John Rutledge, of South-Carolina, 
James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, William Cushing of Massa- 
chusetts, Robert H. Harrison, of Maryland, and John Blair, 
of Virginia, Associate Justices. 

The second session of the first Congress was also held at 
New- York, in January, 1790, when Alexander Hamilton 
put forth various able reports, as Secretary of the Treasury, 
which shadowed forth the policy of the then existing admin- 
istration. He recommended the funding of the public debt 
incurred by the war of the revolution ; the assumption of 
state debts by the general government ; the providing of a 
system of revenue from duties on imports, and an internal 
excise, which measures were adopted by Congress. 

An act was passed for the permanent location of the seat 
of government in the District of Columbia, and the tempo- 
rary seat of government at Philadelphia. The third session 
was held at Philadelphia, commencing on the first Monday 
of December, 1790. To complete the national financial 
system recommended by Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of 
the Treasury, a national bank was incorporated. The 
cabinet and members of Congress were divided upon this 
subject, but the bill passed, and General Washington gave 
it his signature. 

The second Congress met at Philadelphia, in October, 
1791. There was a majority in each branch favorable to 
the administration. The excise act, imposing a duty on 
domestic distilled liquors, similar to one passed in 1790, 
was one of the measures, and became very unpopular. 
Upon this subject the Whiskey Insurrection broke out in 



4 political landmarks; 

western Pennsylvania, and an army of 15,000 men was 
raised to quell the rebellion. 

During the second session of the second Congress, from 
November, 1792, to March, 1793, much time was occupied 
in discussing the domestic and foreign relations of the 
country, without the adoption of any measure of particular 
importance. Party spirit ran high. The cabinet was di- 
vided, Hamilton and Knox advising federal measures, while 
Jefferson and Randolph acted in unison with the opposition 
in Congress, whom Mr. Jefferson denominated republicans. 
The difference of opinion existing between the members 
of his cabinet was a source of extreme mortification to the 
President. Entertaining the highest respect for both Jeffer- 
son and Hamilton, he was unwilling to part with either, and 
exerted all his influence to effect a reconciliation between 
them, without success. * 

The French revolution had an important influence upon 
the politics of the country at this time. Jefferson and his 
republican friends sympathized with the French nation in 
their struggles for liberty, and their contests with other 
nations, while Hamilton and his friends of the federal party, 
with whom Washington coincided in this particular, con- 
sidered it important to the interests of the United States to 
maintain friendly relations with Great Britain, which power 
was then at war with France. 

Under this state of public opinion, the presidential elec- 
tion took place. General Washington desired not to be 
re-elected, but finally yielded to the earnest wishes of his 
friends to serve a second term. General Washington, in 
1793, again received the unanimous electoral vote, as 
follows : 

New-Hampshire, - - - - - - <> 

Vermont, --_.._. J 

Massachusetts, - 16 

Rhode-Island, 4 

Connecticut, - • ' • '. 

New-York, - 12 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 5 

New- Jersey, - * - - - 7 

Pennsylvania, 15 

Delaware, - - - - - - 3 

Maryland, ------- 8 

Virginia, - 21 

North-Carolina, : 12 ^ 

South-Carolina, - - - - - -7 

Georgia, - - - - - - ' - 4 

Kentucky, - 4 

132 

John Adams received 77 votes, and George Clinton of 
New- York received 50 votes, (New- York, Virginia, North 
Carolina, Georgia ;) consequently Mr. Adams was declared 
elected Vice-President. 

December 31, 1793, Thomas Jefferson resigned his" seat 
in the cabinet, as Secretary of State, in pursuance of no- 
.tice given some months previous. The President appoint- 
ed Edmund Randolph to succeed Mr. Jefferson, and Wm. 
Bradford, of Pa., to succeed Mr. Randolph, as Att'y General. 

In April, 1794, the President selected John Jay, then 
Chief Justice, as a special Envoy to England. Mr. Jay ar- 
rived in England in June, 1794, and in November following 
a treaty with Great Britain was signed. It arrived in the 
United States on the 7th of March, 1794, and was ratified 
by the Senate on the 24th of June, by precisely the consti- 
tutional majority, (two-thirds,) after much opposition. 

In 1794 the French government requested the recall of 
Gouverneur Morris, the Minister to that country. The re- 
quest was complied with, and James Monroe was appointed 
his successor. In 1796 the President recalled Mr. Monroe, 
and appointed Charles C. Pinckney to succeed him. 

At the close of the year 1794, General Knox resigned 
the place of Secretary of War, and Timothy Pickering was 
apppointed. Alexander Hamilton resigned the post of 
Secretary of the Treasury, in January, 1795, and Oliver 
Wolcott, of Connecticut, was appointed his successor. 



6 political landmarks; 

We have thus far been very particular to give a minute 
history of all events which have transpired, it being the 
starting point in the political events of the country. We 
shall proceed to put forth the most reliable authorities for 
the purposes of our history of parties, and shall for the 
present quote from Niles' Register, a " History of Parties," 
prepared by him in 1823. It will be noticed that Mr. Niles 
was a violent opponent of the congressional caucus system: 
Presuming that I know something of what icere the land- 
marks of the old political parties in the United States, a 
brief notice of them may not be uninteresting or useless, 
seeing that so much is said about holding a caucus of the 
" democratic members " of Congress, to recommend a sound 
and undeviating '« democrat," to the support of the party, 
as President of the United States. It is not my intention, 
at least, at present, either to be deluded, coaxed, or driven 
into a discussion as to the persons put up for the chief mag- 
istracy of the republic — but I am willing to do what I can 
to place certain general subjects before the people, some of 
whom are too young to know what parties were, others 
have forgotten their condition, and many find it convenient 
just now to disremember things, once deemed essential to 
constitute a "democrat." But if any will use that word, 
they ought to understand the meaning that it had in primi- 
tive times, when the lines between parties were so strictly 
drawn that no mistake could be made about it. This will 
not stir up old animosities, and I utterly disavow the most 
remote intention of the sort — for justice compels me to say, 
that the "federalists" were not always wrong, nor the 
u democrats " always right. Some measures were at differ- 
ent times proposed by one party, that were worthy of the 
support or deserved the reprehension of both parties — but 
it was too much the practice of one to be continually op- 
posed to the other, no matter what was the subject acted 
upon, in relation to our foreign or domestic policy. 

I shall proceed to detail the prominent points on which 
parties divided in the United States. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 7 

In Washington's administration, partly on account of the neutral policy 
that he had adopted and maintained, on the breaking out of the French 
Revolution, (now universally acknowledged to have been a wise one.) 
but especially concerning the treaty with Great Britain, signed at 
London in November I794-, and ratified in the following year, and 
the money to carry it into effect appropriated in 1796. 

Previous to the receipt of this treaty, with Great Bri- 
tain, much feeling had been excited by certain assump-. 
tions and arbitrary and unjust proceedings of the British 
Government, a narrative of which is too long for the pre- 
sent occasion ; and an undoubtedly large majority of the 
people of the United States were willing to come to an 
open rupture on account of them ; and there was a very 
warm feeling in favor of France, because, having shaken 
off her regal government, the crowned heads of Europe had 
entered into an infamous league, to force chains upon her 
in the manner that the successor of Louis XVI attempted 
to fasten upon Spain, at a bdbsequent day — to which pro- 
ceeding the British were a party. The appointment of Mr. 
Jay, then chief justice of the United States, to negotiate 
this treaty, was much objected to on constitutional as well 
as political considerations, for he did not resign the office 
of chief justice, and was regarded by many as being too 
warmly attached to the interests of those with whom he was 
to treat. [It is not necessary for me to express an opinion 
on this case, or others of its nature — I only state the facts 
as I personally know that they were.] When the treaty 
was received, president Washington laid it before the 
Senate, who then, as they do now, sat with closed doors e 
(and the president often attended their secret deliberations.) 
It was supported and opposed with uncommon ardor — at 
last, and before the question on its reception was decided, 
Mr. Mason, a senator from Virginia, in the heat of his in- 
dignation at the whole proceeding, furnished a copy of the 
instrument to the editor of the " Aurora," and thousands 
of copies were almost instantly published. The shock on 
the political mind of the people, could be compared to 
nothing but that of an earthquake on the moral feelings of 



8 political landmarks; 

a society. Meetings were held everywhere to express the 
public disapprobation of the instrument, and to entreat the 
president to withhold his signature from it; and, perhaps 
not less than nine-tenths of the yet surviving soldiers and 
sages of the revolution were, at first, opposed to it. But 
still the treaty was ratified by the Senate, and Washington 
firmly signed it. The mighty weight of his character thus 
thrown into the scale, brought many to a serious pause, and 
the people began to divide into parties, pretty nearly equal 
in strength, and out of this mainly grew the late democra- 
tic and federal sects — for until then, it had really been 
chiefly whig and tory, so far as questions merely political 
had been regarded. Washington naturally rallied around 
him a vast amount of the good people of the nation, and all 
persons believed that he meant what was right ; though 
others, and yet a majority, thought he had done what was 
wrong. Before the treaty could be fully perfected, certain 
appropriations of money would have to be made by the house 
of representatives, and this subject was seriously and very 
warmly agitated until the meeting of congress late in the 
year 1795. Those, and those only, who truly felt the im- 
portance of the " Missouri question," of 18:20-21 can ap- 
prehend the then existing state of the public mind, unless 
they saw and felt it at that period. I heard many men say, 
they were reminded of the awful anxiety that prevailed 
when the Declaration of Independence was about to be 
made in 1776 — that they never had, except at that season 
been so moved as they were then. 1 was yet in my " teens," 
but accident placed me in certain situations where I had a 
much better opportunity, perhaps, than most youths of my 
age, to know what was going on. The papers were filled 
with essays for and against the treaty. It was discussed 
before the people by the ablest men in the United States, 
and attacked or defended by smaller essayists without num- 
ber; even by myself, without the editor of the paper, who 
published my articles, ever suspecting the source from 
whence they came — and here was the date of my " demo- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 9 

cracy." The most solemn debate took place in Congress 
that had ever been known, except on the case of Indepen- 
dence. Notwithstanding the senate had ratified and Wash- 
ington approved of the treaty, there was a clear and decided 
majority in the house of representatives hostile to it, and 
apparently resolved to withhold the appropriations neces- 
sary to carry it into effect. It was during this discussion 
that Mr. Fisher Ames delivered his famous speech. I heard 
a part of it ; it was, indeed a most powerfel appeal to the 
passions. It was said, and perhaps truly, that even Wash- 
ington himself exerted his personal influence on the occa- 
sion : and thereon, for the first time (that I know of in the 
United States,) the people were excited to instruct their re- 
presentatives, and claim it as a right. Meetings were ex- 
tensively held, and many sets of instructions forwarded, 
that were seemingly in opposition, as to the private opinions 
of some of the members', as well as a majority of those whom 
they represented — that opinion and majority being really op- 
posed to the treaty. I believe that I speak understanding])', 
and might venture to mention particular cases, if I pleased. 
Many questions of various character, but bearing on the 
treaty, were decided, and the right of the House to with- 
hold the appropriations, if it pleased, was maintained by 
Mr. Gallatin, and, I well remember, he was severely attack- 
ed'for his expression, that it was the constitutional prin- 
ciple of the house of representatives "to hold the purse 
strings," even if " the wheels of government should be stop- 
ped," though he was supported in his opinions by the late 
president Madison, the venerable Macon, and by Mr. Giles, 
and nearly all the rest of the " democratic" members of 
congress. The famous Cobbett, who then or soon after 
prided himself on being believed to be in the confidence 
and pay of the British government, caricatured Mr. Galla- 
tin, in a print prefixed to a periodical work published by 
him, and called the " Political Censor." The friends of 
the treaty, [joined by a few who believed it was expedient 
to carry it into effect, circumstanced as things were, it having 



10 political landmarks; 

been approved by the president, by and with the advice and 
consent of the senate, co-ordinate branches of the go- 
vernment,] resorted to several indirect means to operate on 
the main question, but failed until the thirtieth April, 1796, 
when the following resolution was decided : 

" Resolved, As the opinion of the committee, [of the 
" whole,] that it is expedient to pass the laws necessary for 
" carrying into effect the treaty lately negotiated between 
" the United States and Great Britain." 

This was unexpectedly passed in the affirmative — 51 to 
48. One or two persons, who had originally opposed the 
appropriations, were suddenly indisposed and could not 
attend, and several had " chopped round," as the sailors 
say, suddenly, under cover of " instructions," professing 
obedience to the will of the people. Every member present 
from Maryland, except General Sprigg, voted in the affir- 
mative, though at least three of them were counted on as 
being firmly opposed to the treaty as he was — and there 
was one vacancy. One of these, was rejected by his con- 
stituents at the next election, on account of his vote ; a 
second never regained the confidence of his party or went 
again to Congress — a third succeeded in reinstating himself. 
One that was absent I happened to have the pleasure of an 
acquaintance with some years afterwards — he had been a 
gallant soldier in the revolution, and was one of the most 
amiable of men, but was not returned to Congress : and to 
his dying day, that absence " hung heavy at his heart." In 
the fifty-one yeas there are the names of many afterwards 
distinguished as " Federalists," but in the forty-eight nays, 
I cannot call to mind any one who did not retain the repu- 
tation of a " democrat." Among them were Madison, Ma- 
con, Giles, Gallatin, Baldwin, Dearborn, Livingston, New, 
Swanwick, Varnum, Hampton and others, equally well 
known in their day, and all who yet survive of them, are 
still called " democrats." Notwithstanding the " starting 
place," of parties # was at the adoption of" Jay's treaty," it 
was a mere difference of opinion with Washington, on a 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 11 

single point, and a question of expediency. No regular 
opposition was made to the measures of his administration , 
and the lines of parties were not fairly drawn until the cam- 
paign for the next president was opened. It was, no doubt, 
the fact, that a large majority of the people of the United 
States was opposed to the treaty ; and it was said, by per- 
sons who were believed to know, that Washington himself 
had agreed to receive it with great reluctance ; but, having 
adopted his course, he was not to be diverted from it, and 
he accomplished what he thought the good of the country 
required. But surely, he was the only man in the nation 
who could have got that treaty through. The love and re- 
1 verence of the people for him, induced many to give up 
their private opinions wholly to him : a proceeding that, in 
this case, was not so important, but which I have no desire 
to see a recurrence of. It has destroyed the liberties of 
many nations, for few have had a Washington at their 
head. 

I believe that this is a faithful political history of the first 
arrayment of parties in the United States, under the names 
by which they were long after designated. It is a brief de- 
tail—yet it may call up somethings to recollection, and es- 
pecially impress it on the house of representatives, that that 
body " holds the purse strings" — that no provision of the 
constitution will admit of the drawing of one dollar from 
the public treasury without their approbation. There is 
safety in this consideration: and, as the senate was wisely 
designed to act as a check on the haste of the house, so 
the house may serve as a check on the power of the senate, 
even in the making of treaties. 



In continuing this history, it will be observed that Mr. 
Niles, from whom we are still quoting largely from ''Niles' 
Register," refiys to matters then existing July, 18*23. It 
will also be observed that the Register frequently alludes to 
the Congressional caucus system. Mr. Niles was a violent 



12 political landmarks; 

oppon ent of that system, in which he differed with Edwin 
Croswell of the Albany Argus, and Mr. Ritchie of the 
Richmond Enquirer,* and now of the Union. The Con- 
gressional caucus system continued to exist for some con- 
siderable time, as also the legislative caucus system, in the 
State of New-York, until finally it became unpopular with 
the masses of the people at large, as it was thought that it 
concentrated too much power in the hands of a few men 
who were thrown together during a session. It was also 
thought that the abuse of that power thus delegated was 
fast destroying all confidence in the caucus or convention 
system. The result was that that system was superceded by 
the system of electing delegates from town to county con- 
ventions, and from county to state conventions ; and for the 
nomination of candidates to be supported for President and 
Vice-President, delegates were sent from state to national 
conventions, thus constituted. In this manner the full and 
fair expression of the people is supposed to be arrived at. 
The federalists opposed this scheme for a time, but finally 
adopted it as the only true mode of making political nomina- 
tions. 



The contest between John Adams and Thomas J kfferson, for the Pres- 
idency in 1796, and the subsequent measures of Mr. Aduins 1 administra- 
tion in regard to the quasi war with France, fyc. 

ELECTORAL VOTE '. 

John Adams received, - - - - - 71 

Thomas Jefferson, - 69 

Thomas Pinckney, ----- 59 

Aaron Burr, ------ 30 

Scattering, ------- 48 

A full table will be appended in the close of the work, 
showing the vote of each state. 

This election was maintained with great warmth, and 
tended more firmly to fix the lines bet\veeng»arties, which 
were yet indistinct on account of the personal popularity of 
Washington, and the well-earned confidence that was re- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 13 

posed in his discretion and zeal for the public good. Mr. 
Adams was elected, and commenced his administration with 
a speech to Congress that astonished many who had opposed 
him, and startled some that had supported him. It had less 
of party in it than either expected, and some members of his 
administration, (as was then believed,) went to wort to 
give a higher tone and " energy," as the word was, to the 
government. They succeeded. Among the measures adopt- 
ed in 1798, was that of getting up addresses to the presi- 
dent, commending him in the most extravagant terms, and 
expressing " unlimited confidence in the wisdom and virtue 
of his administration." These addresses were hawked 
about from door to door, like petitions in our cities to get a 
street paved — those who signed them were good citizens, 
and those who refused were put down as "jocabins." In 
many places it was like taking the census of the people, to 
determine how many were " federalists," and how many 
were "democrats ;"' and it was believed that many pers- 
ons were actually dismissed from office as being "' disaffect- 
ed," because they thus refused to send in their adhesion." 
T do not magnify facts. Parties were at such a height at 
that day, that I well recollect to have been personally abused, 
because I did not mount a black cockade, and once had 
great difficulty to prevent personal violence on a young man 
of my acquaintance, because he foolishly braved a set of 
persons by wearing one. Both parties went so far, that so- 
cial, family intercourse was destroyed, in thousands of ca- 
ses — and a gentleman could hardly join a mixed company 
without being insulted by unsupportable epithets. To re- 
ceive the " Aurora" at that time, was regarded as the ex- 
treme point of political degradation, and so powerful was 
the persecution, that many obtained and read it secretly, 
though '" Porcupine's Gazette" was openly patronized ! 
People compared the proscription of that and other news- 
papers to the* proceedings of the " holy inquisition," by 
whom it was made an unpardonable sin to read the Bible ! 
Lists of the subscribers to these offensive papers were ob« 



14- political landmarks; 

tained at some places and forwarded to the seat of govern- 
ment ! Credit was, very generally refused, at some banks to 
the "opposition," and it was believed that the old bank of the 
United States at Philadelphia, had closed the accounts, (or 
caused the closing of them,) of most persons that were not 
acknowledged " federalists." I recollect one personal in- 
stance of this sort. It happened in the bank at Wilmington, 
Delaware, where I then lived — a note was objected to be- 
cause the maker of it was an "enemy of the government;" 
but the good sense of the direction rejected the proposition 
and the " legitimate" was exposed. Further to show the 
spirit of parties, I will notice a fourth of July celebration 
that took place in that town, always remarkable for its " re- 
publicanism," though then almost broken down by the pow- 
er of" federalism." It had been agreed to make a joint cel- 
ebration of the anniversary of independence — that the pres- 
ident of the day should be a " federalist," and the vice presi- 
dent a " democrat," and that the company should in good hu- 
mor, drink all the toasts that they might alternately offer. 
The dinner party consisted of a number of the most prom- 
inent and respectable gentlemen on both sides. When the 
cloth was removed the president gave •' John Adams," &c. 
The toast was drank by all, though it afforded no small de- 
gree of merriment to see what a "hard-job" it was for some to 
get down their wine. The vice president then gave "Thomas 
Jefferson," &lc. It was generally drank as the other had been, 
but an imprudent young man violently broke his glass and 
spilled his wine on the table. Every one was on his feet in 
a moment. The act was deprecated by almost every one 
present and in the severest terms-yet party feelings were soon 
so much roused, that a general battle seemed inevitable. All 
wanted to talk, and none were willing to listen! But the 
affray was soon settled — a powerful mechanic very delibe- 
rately seized the young man by the back of the neck, grasp- 
ing him as if in a vice by one hand, while with the other he 
poured a glass of wine down his throat to the manifest dan- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 15 

ger of suffocating him ! This was the act of a moment — but 
that moment was happily sufficient to restore the compa- 
ny to discretion, and convince both parties of the necessity 
of an immediate separation — which took place, and each di- 
vision of the company finished the celebration 'in its own way.' 
Things of this character were forced into the most com- 
mon transactions of life, from the making of a pair of shoes 
to the building of a ship, in all places whereat the parties 
were pretty equally matched. In some, the different polit- 
ical sects met in actual combat, with as much regularity as 
opposing armies ever did. This was notoriously the case 
in Maryland, and especially in Baltimore, during a famous 
electioneering campaign, when fighting and voting were a 
common object on both sides -1 All persons had yet to 
learn, or at least to attend to the admonition, that " truth 
is a victor without violence." The passage of the al- 
ien and sedition laws increased the flame. These two acts 
of Congress passed in the summer of 1798, which became 
extremely unpopular with a large portion of the people. 
The alien law was opposed upon the ground that it was li- 
able to abuse by the president, who had authority to order 
aliens, who were found, or supposed to be conspiring against 
the peace and authorities of the United States, to depart 
from its territories. It is known to all, that the revolution- 
ary war was carried on mainly by foreigners— that is, the 
battles were mainly fought by men who had repaired to this 
country, then in its infancy, to better their own condition. 
These were found in the front ranks, nobly combatting 
friends and kindred, in maintaining what they considered 
to be the rights of their adopted country. One apology for 
the law was, that there were then computed to be thirty 
thousand Frenchmen in the United States, all of whom 
were devoted to their native country, and mostly associated 
through clubs or otherwise. Besides these, there were 
computed 1 to be fifty thousand who had been subjects of 
Great Britain, some of whom had found it unsafe to remain 



16 political landmarks; 

at home. It was also contended that the persons who by 
the law, were liable to be required to leave the country, 
were not citizens — had no just claim to a continuance here 
— and that their residence, with the views they had, and the 
opinions they published, endangered the welfare of the na- 
tion. The objection to the sedition law was, that it restrict- 
ed the liberty of speech and of the press, which was an ar- 
bitrary interference with the right of the citizens to express 
freely their opinions on all public and political measures. 
Those who justified the law asserted that the grossest false- 
hoods were uttered and published, tending to deceive the 
people, and to excite their prejudices unduly, to the danger 
of the peace of the nation. There were at this period about 
two hundred newspapers published in the United States, 180 
of which were in favor of* the federal administration, and 
about twenty were opposed to the leading measures then 
adopted ; and it was urgea" that the greater proportion of 
the twenty were under the control of aliens. 

In Virginia and Kentucky particularly, the people were 
violently opposed to these measures. The legislatures of 
those States declared them to be direct and gross infrac- 
tions of the constitution, and appealed to the other states 
to join in opposition to them. An attempt was made to re- 
peal the measures at the next session of Congress, but with- 
out avail. The officers of the provisional army were often 
very overbearing, and, perhaps, not, at all times treated with 
the respect that they deserved, on account of a letter said to 
be written by the secretary of war, Gen. D. of Virginia, in 
which it was said that persons laboring under a certain hid- 
eous political designation, would not be objected to on that 
account for officers ; and many believed that the army was 
rather intended to operate on the people of the United 
States, than on the French republic ; that it was designed 
to build up fi a strong administration," to support an alliance 
with England in a crusade against liberty, destroy the statt 
ti&ereigntieSt and consolidate t h t That H 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 17 

were the designs of some, there cannot be a doubt. Wash- 
ington, however, yet lived, and the "federal party" certain- 
ly embraced many of the best men of the nation, who had 
for seven years contended for freedom, and could not be 
supposed willing to establish such an aristocracy as a fac- 
tion of that party, (the Hartford conventionists of latter 
times,) aimed at. Moderate measures were recommended 
and encouraged, and the election of Thomas McKean as 
governor of the great central state of Pennsylvania, "the key 
stone of the political arch," had a wonderful effect in sup- 
pressing violence. President Adams seemed displeased with 
the lengths to which parties had proceeded, and he changed 
his policy, in renewing his attempt to effect, and in bring- 
ing about an accommodation with France. This was un- 
derstood to be against the advice of the heads of depart- 
ments, and an explosion took place. Immediately after the 
New- York election was over, Mr. Adams abruptly dismiss- 
ed two of his Cabinet ministers — Mr. Pickering, Secretary 
of state, and Mr. McHenry, Secretary of war, an event 
which caused much sensation, and had much influence in 
reducing the federalists to a minority. Gen. Hamilton, al- 
though of the same party, subsequently came out with a let- 
ter censuring the public conduct and character of Mr. Ad- 
ams ; which letter disclosing a determined aversion to the 
president by so conspicuous a leader of the administration 
party, was considered as among the operative causes of Mr. 
Adams' failure at the then approaching- election, Mr. Ham- 
ilton, it was supposed, designed the pamphlet only for cir- 
culation at the south, but it got into the hands of the demo- 
crats, and its publication was very general at the north. Mr. 
Hamilton was favorable to the election of General Pinck- 
ney to the Presidency, but did not openly advise the with- 
holding any electoral votes from Mr. Adams. In conse- 
quence of this rupture, a party was got up only less hostile 
to Jefferson and the democrats than to Mr, Adams. Some 
account of these things were given in severaj curious pam^ 
1* 



18 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

phlets that appeared at the time — but a friend long since bor- 
rowed my collection of them; still the general facts of that 
political quarrel are pretty fresh in my recollection. 
The president, it is said, was highly offended, because things 
had been done by his secretaries, as under his sanction, 
that he did not approve of: and it seemed as if he had him- 
self really began to apprehend what the <; democrats" im- 
puted to him, as the design of his administration — to wit, a 
change in the form of government, " a fraternal alhance v 
with England, and an extinction of the free representativt 
system. It may be, that it was the idea of the alliance that 
first caused a stir in the blood of the old patriot. He had 
been worked into what was, perhaps, a too hostile disposi- 
tion towards France — but to unite with England, and give 
up the destinies of this country to the will of old George and 
his ministers, was too much! The fire' of the revolution 
again warmed his soul, he penetrated into what he supposed 
was the ulterior designs of those who had possessed his al- 
most unlimited confidence, and with a burst of his former 
spirit of resistance, cast them all off. 1 well remember the 
shock that it produced, and the " long faces," that it made 
— and it was currently believed, on what then seemed un- 
doubted authority, he said, " that had all the regiments or- 
dered to be raised been full, and H at their head, vc 

should have been compelled to raise a not her army toprt 
the constitution." I cannot now refer to the authority for 
this remarkable declaration as quoted: but I happened to 
meet with it in a pamphlet written by myself fourteen years 
ago, called " Things as they are/' and have no manner of 
doubt of its substantial truth. An anecdote may serve to 
show the probability of these things, which was directly re- 
lated to me while Mr. Adams was president, and perhaps 
before the result of the election of 1800 was known. When 
going from or proceeding to Washington, he met, at one 
of the public houses on the road, an old revolutionary friend, 
that be had not seen since the close of the war. They 



, OR HISTORY OF PARTIES 19 

agreed to dine together. Mr. Adams made some observa- 
tions that evidently manifested a desire to know the politics 
of his compatriot — who said he had not changed them since 
1776; adding, " hid they tell me that you have changed 
yours." The president said, " perhaps it has appeared so 
— but it is not the fact. My predecessor left me surrounded 
by men that were exceedingly useful to him, and innocent, 
because they dared not attempt to dictate to or mislead him, 
but, presuming on their standing with Washington, they 
have given me inexpressible pain, and, to cast them off, was 
a most difficult matter. I have relieved myself of them, but 
it is too late." This is the substance of what, (from parti- 
cular circumstances,) I remember was told to me some- 
time in the year 1800, in a way that I believed it. It was 
well understood that many of the " federalists" were op- 
posed to the taking of Mr. Adams for the presidency, a 
second time — that they had nearly fixed upon another per- 
son ; but, having agreed upon him, they supported him to 
the utmost of their power, as a party — as the " democrats" 
have supported their candidates. It may here be added, 
that Mr. Ada.ms was not long out of office before he was a 
frank and open friend of Mr. Jefferson's administration ; 
and, a few years after, he became a public writer against 
impressment and other hostile acts of the British, under his 
own name. And it has been stated, I think by himself, that 
when the first embassy to France was talked of, he was 
greatly importuned to send Gen. Hamilton as one of the 
envoys — he yielded to this, on condition that Mr. Madison 
should be another. This was most decidedly objected to 
and neither were appointed. 

But to return to the subject — the people at large remained 
nearly as much heated as ever, and it required time for 
them to get cool. They had been worked into the madness 
of passion by reported plots and conspiracies — believed on 
one side to be real, we must hope— and on the other de- 
nounced as despicable contrivances to introduce " a reign 



20 political landmarks; 

of terror ;" and the approaching election still furnishes ma- 
terials for inveterate opposition among them, which some 
of the last acts of Mr. Adam's administration were not cal- 
culated to lessen— especially that concerning the judiciary, 
for this the democrats supposed was designed as a palladium 
of " federal" politics and policy. 

In 1784, Mr. Jefferson being in Congress, as chairman 
of a committee for that purpose, reported the plan for the 
government of the Northwest Territory, which contained 
a Proviso forever inhibiting slavery in the territories of the 
United States northwest of the Ohio. The measure was 
carried out three years afterwards, and was sanctioned by 
the new constitution. 



In continuing our remarks, we have thought it not out 
of place to speak of the life of one who will occupy a con- 
spicuous place in the present number of the " History of 
Parties." 

The life of Thomas Jefferson, the third president of 
the United States, Is one of the most interesting and instruc- 
tive among those of the distinguished persons^vvhose names 
are identified with American history. Tn the** character of 
this extraordinary man, as well as in the events of his life, 
we are presented with a combination of philosophical attain- 
ments and political talents of benevolent feelings, and am- 
bitious aspirations, rarely found united in the same indivi- 
dual, and still more rarely resulting in the popular venera- 
tion bestowed upon his name by a large portion of his coun- 
trymen ; while by others he has been regarded in an un- 
favorable light as a statesman and a ruler, particularly in 
the effect of his political principles upon the American 
people, over whom he acquired such an extraordinary as- 
cendancy. 

The family of Jefferson were among the early emigrants 
from Great Britain to Virginia. Thomas Jefferson was born 
at Shadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 2d of 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 21 

April 1743. His father, Peter Jefferson, a man of some 
distinction in the colony, died in 1757, leaving a widow with 
two sons and six daughters. These children inherited a 
handsome fortune from their father. Thomas, the eldest 
received the lands which he called Monticello, on which he 
resided, when not in public life, and where he died. 

Mr. Jefferson by birth, belonged to the aristocracy, but 
the idle and voluptuous life which marked that order had 
no charms for a mind like his. He relished better the strong 
unsophisticated, and racy character of the yeomanry, and 
attached himself, of choice to that body. He was a repub- 
lican and a philanthropist, from the earliest dawft of his 
character. He read with a sort of poetic illusion, which 
identified him with every scene that his author spread be- 
fore him. Enraptured with the brighter ages of republican 
Greece and Rome, he had followed wiih an aching heart, 
the march of history which had told him of the desolation 
of those fairest portions of the earth; and had read with 
dismay and indignation of that swarm of monarchies, the 
progeny of the Scandinavian hive, under which genius and 
liberty were now every where crushed. He loved his coun- 
try, and with that love, he combined and expanded philan- 
throphy which encircled the globe. From the working of 
the strong energies within him, there arose an early vision, 
which cheered his youth and accompanied him through life 
— the vision of emancipated man throughout the world. 

While a student at law at Williamsburgh, hr 1765, Mr. 
Jefferson heard the celebrated speech of Patrick Henry 
in the Virginia House -of delegates, against the stamp-act ; 
and animated by the eloquence of Henry, he from that time 
stood forward as a champion for his country. 

With these brief remarks relative to the early history of 
Mr. Jefferson, we proceed with the numbers of the " Poli- 
tical Landmarks," it being the second and a very exciting 
contest between Messrs. Adams and Jefferson : 



22 POLITCAL LANDMARKS. 

Second contest between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson for the Presi- 
dency, in the year 1800, in which the latter was successful, and entered 
upon the duties of his office on the 4//i of March, 1801. 
ELECTORAL VOTE. 



~ 



3 



2* v 



New-Hampshire, 

Vermont, 

Massachusetts, 

Rhode-Island, 

Connecticut, 

New-York, 

New-Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North-Carolina, 

South-Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Tennessee, 

Kentucky, 



6 




6 


4 

-. 16 




4 
1 6 


4 




'.\ 


- 9 




9 


12 


12 




- 7 




7 


8 7 


8 


7 


3 




% 


5 5 


5 


5 


21 


21 




8 4 


8 


4 


8 


8 




4 


4 




- 3 


3 




4 


4 





73 65 73 64 



Scattering, 1. 

Mr. Jefferson commenced the organization of his cabi-" 
net by the appointment, with the consent of the Senate, of 
James Madison, secretary of state; Henry Dearborn of 
Mass., secretary of war; and Levi Lincoln of Mass., attor- 
ney general. The secretaries of the treasury and navy, 
Samuel Dexter, and Benjamin Stoddert, who h;i<l been ap- 
pointed by Mr. Adams, were continued in office for a brief 
period of time ; but before the meeting of congress, Al- 
bert Gallatin of Pennsylvania, was appointed secretary of 
the treasury, and Robert Smith, of Maryland, secretary of 
the navy. Gideon Granger, of Connecticut, was appointed 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 23 

post-master general, in place of Mr. Habersham, ofGeorgia. 
The federalists, from the tone of Jefferson's inaugural 
address, had hopes that he would retain in office the incum- 
bents under Mr. Adams', administration, but they were soon 
undeceived. In June, 1801, Mr. Jefferson removed Eli- 
zur Goodrich, a federalist, from the office of colector of the 
port of New-Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a dem- 
ocrat, in his place. In reply to a remonstrance from various 
citizens of New-Haven, Tn which they asserted the prompt- 
ness, integrity and ability of Mr. Goodrich, and their belief 
that he was better qualified for the office than Mr. Bishop, 
who was nearly eighty years of age, and quite infirm, Mr. 
Jefferson said among other things, in his answer, dated the 
12th of July : " Declarations by myself in favor of political 
tolerance, exhortations to harmony and affection in social 
intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minori- 
ty, have, on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued 
into assurances that the tenure of offices was not to be dis- 
turbed. But could candor apply such a construction? 
When it is considered that, during the late administration, 
those who were not of a particular sect of politics were ex- 
cluded from all office ; when by a steady pursuit of this 
measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were 
monopolized by that sect ; When the public sentiment at 
length disclosed itself, and burst open the door of honor 
and confidence to those whose opinions they approved ; was 
it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was to be con- 
tinued in the hands of the minority 2 Does it violate their 
equal rights to assert some rights in the majority also ? Is 
it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the 
direction of public affairs ? If a due participation of office 
is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained % 
Those by death are few, resignations none. Can any other 
mode than that of removal be proposed ? This is a painful 
office ; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such, I 
proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that 
it may injure the best 'men least, and effect the purposes of 



24 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

. justice and public utility with the least private distress ; that 
it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, on op- 
pression, on intolerance, on anti-revolutionary adherence to 
our enemies. 

" I lament sincerely, that unessential differences of opin- 
ion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half 
the society from the rights and the blessings of self-govern- 
ment, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It 
would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I 
found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the 
majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to 
raise them to their just share. But this total exclusion calls* 
for prompt correction. I shall correct the procedure; 
but that done, return with joy to that state of things 
when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, 
Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the consti- 
tution ?" 

The history of this era embraces a great multitude of 
facts, but they shall all be noticed with all possible brevity. 
This election was conducted as violently as the former had 
b ee n — and the parties abused each other in the most ex- 
travagant manner. It was said that if Mr. Jefferson was 
elected, our churches would be turned into cow stables, the 
public debt of the United States wiped away, the country 
become a province of France, and the like ; and that if Mr. 
Adams was chosen, he would do things not much less offen- 
sive. Persons of character — some men in the most eminent 
stations, so far forgot themselves as to become common 
traducers of public and private reputation. The " federal- 
ists" yet had the power, and the " democrats" were strug- 
gling to get it ; but great principles were maintained and 
opposed. The first thought, generally, that the constitution 
was too weak — the latter believed that it was sufficiently 
strong; and on these leading points hinged many important 
collaterals, thought to be essential to the well-being of the 
people. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, 25 

It is here needful to give some account of the progress 
and termination of that memorable election in the house of 
representatives. It was the most awful political contest 
that ever occurred. Never, perhaps, before had the minds 
of a whole people been so seriously agitated ; and I cannot 
yet revert to the period without a.sensation of horror, when . 
I reflect on the narrow escape that the republic made. 

At that time there was no designation on the ballots of 
the electors whom they designed for president and whom 
for vice president. They simply contained two names, and 
the person who had the greatest number of votes was con- 
sidered as elected president— if no one had a majority, the 
choice devolved upon the house of representatives of con- 
gress, voting oy states. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr 
had seventy-three votes each, and Mr. Adams sixty-five. 
The balloting commenced in the house of representatives 
on the 11th of February. Eight states voted for Mr. Jef- 
ferson, six for Mr. Burr, and two, (Maryland and Vermont,) 
were divided. It required a majority of the whole number 
of the states to make a choice, so no determination was had. 
The balloting, with the same result, continued until the 
17th of the same month. In all places, whereat the intelli- 
gence of it was received, the people looked as we might 
have supposed they would do if a civil war was expected, 
and the agitation at Washington, filled with strangers, was^* 
almost beyond bearing. The late estimable Nicholson, of 
Maryland, though apparently at the point of death, was 
brought to the capitol in his bed and lodged in one of the 
committee rooms, that by his vote he might prevent Mary- 
land from being given to Burr. At last, on the thirty- 
seventh ballot, the following result appeared : 

Vermont, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania., Virgin- 
ia, North-Carolina, Georgia, .Kentucky and Tennessee, nine 
states voted for Mr. Jefferson. Maryland gave 4 votes for 
him and four blanks, Delaware and South-Carolina declined 



26 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ] 

voting, and New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island 
and Connecticut stuck to Burr. 

When the issue was known the people were wild with joy 
— they hugged one another in the streets, and some danced 
and sung and shouted, not knowing what they did — the old 
forgot their infirmities — and the young committed many ex- 
travagancies. A notice of two little things that happened 
to myself may illustrate the state of the public feeling. I 
caught myself, though entirely alone at the time, with my 
hat in my hand and whirling it round my .head, and huzza- 
ing with the whole force of my lungs ; and it made me feel 
very foolish — but T could not help it. Immediately after this 
I met a friend who begged me to proceed to my office with 
the least possible delay. I accordingly ran towards it as fast 
as I could, and there found a large crowd of persons in the 
very act of forcing a small cannon into the office to give me 
a grand salute, though I then was a private man like the 
rest, never having printed a public paper of any sort until 
several years after. It was with no small difficulty that 1 
diverted them from their design, and, as it was, they were 
yet so mad as to discharge the gun in a thickly built and 
populous street, by which a couple of dozen lights of glass 
were broken in the office alone ! In this crowd, a number 
ofpersons were actors whose common habits were as sober 
^end sedate as those of others in the town in general. Jt is 
just to add, that though the '• federalists," for a moment, 
seemed depressed by this event, a common sense of what 
was right soon caused a large majority of them, (so far 
as came '^to my knowledge,) to be satisfied with a re- 
sult, bottomed on the undoubted will of a majority of the 
people, though they did not esteem Mr. Jefferson any more 
on that account. 

This act of the " federal " party in Congress can hardly 
be excused ; I never heard it defended. The constitution, 
true, gave them power to proceed as they did — but if all men 
should do, on every occasion, what the written law will not 



-.— - 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 27 

prevent them from doing, we should be but little better off 
than a nation of savages, and, perhaps worse. Take away 
from society its moral sense of decency, justice, mercy, 
honor, truth, &c, and what remains is not worth contend- 
ing for, as an improvement over the customs and manners 
of the rudest aborigines of America. It was just as per- 
fectly known that the people designed Mr, Jefferson for 
president, and Mr. Burr for vice president, as that an elec- 
tion had been held at all. Some may have quibbled, and 
said, that members of Congress had no right to know this. 
It is true they had no legal right. But there was a right far 
beyond the law, that should have operated — the eternal 
eight of truth and justice : and even the first principle 
of the constitution under which they acted, "that the will 
of the people is the supreme law of the land." 

The following letter from the late James A. Bayard, 
(then having the vote of a state, being the sole representa- 
tive from Delaware,) though lately published in the Regis- 
ter, we feel it proper to insert here. It was addressed to 
one of his friends at Wilmington : 

" Washington, 11th February, 1801. 
" Dear Sir — Mr. Jefferson is our president — Our oppo- 
sition was continued till it was demonstrated that Burr could 
not be brought in, and even if he could, he meant to come 
in as a democrat. . * 

" In such case, to evidence his sincerity, he must have 
swept every officer in the United States. I have direct in 
formation that Mr. Jefferson will not pursue that plan. The 
New-England gentlemen came out, and declared they meant 
to go without a constitution, and take the risk of a civil 
war. They agreed, that those who would not agree to in- 
cur such an extremity ought to recede without loss of time. 
We pressed them to go with us and preserve unity in our 
measures. 

" After great agitation and much heat, all agreed except 
one. But in consequence of his standing out, the others re* 






28 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

fused to abandon their old ground. Mr. J. did not get a 
federal vote. Vermont gave a vote by means of Morris 
withdrawing. The same thing happened with Maryland. 
The votes of South - Carolina and Delaware were blank. 
Your obedient servant, [Signed] J. A. B." 

I have a suspicion of the source from whence this letter 
was published. I heard of it shortly after its date — and the 
fact is strongly impressed on my mind, that the writer 
made a request to withdraw it, but ivas assured that it had 
been destroyed immediately on its receipt, as- improper to be 
\ kept in existence. $3^ If he had been living, that letter 
would not have been published. 

[One passing remark on this subject. If 1 could appre- 
hend the repetition of such a scene and supposed that a 
congressional caucus would prevent it, liable as it is to ma- 
ny and such serious objections in the present state of af- 
fairs — I would support it, even if it virtually vested the 
election of president in the senate and house of representa- 
tives on their li individual characters." But T do not be- 
lieve that an old fashioned caucus, " democratic" or " fed- 
eral," can now be held, and that if holden, apprehend that 
it may rather have a tendency to throw the decision in- 
to the house of representatives than prevent it — some of the 
reasons for which I have already assigned.] 

The contest being over, and Mr. Jefferson seated, he 
soon indicated his design of softening down party rage, and 
he so effected it, that in 1804, he was re-elected almost 
without opposition ! But there were many severe contests 
in the different states before this unanimity was brought 
about. I shall notice two of them, that the spirit of the 
whole may be understood — they are familiar to mo, and ns 
applicable to the condition of things elsewhere, as in the 
little state of Delaware. 

In the year 1801. the democrats for the first time since 
the peace of '83 succeeded in the election of their candi- 
date for governor, and Col, David Hall, who had command- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 29 

ed the justly celebrated Delaware regiment for some time 
during the revolution, was chosen by a majority of 17 votes. 
It was the constitutional duty of the senate of that state to 
count the votes and proclaim the result of such elections. 
It was currently reported and decidedly believed, that a ma- 
jority of that body had pre-determined to pr^Jfcunce the 
election illegal, and so secure the governorship to the speak- 
er of the senate, a majority of which was " federal." It 
was deliberately resolved to resist this — and concluded to 
swear in Col. Hall as governor, on the green, before the 
state house, at Dover, if the senate persisted in its supposed 
design. Preparatory to this, it was needful to find a wil- 
ling person who could administer the oath ; and after much 
inquiry, it was discovered, that only one " democrat" in 
the whole state had authority to administer a common oath 
— so perfect had been the proscription ; and how that one 
had escaped then became a matter of much speculation ; it 
was an honest Irishman who had fought bravely in the rev- 
olution, and he promptly agreed to perform the duty request- 
ed, for which purpose he proceeded to the seat of govern- 
ment ; and in its neighborhood, many resolute persons were 
located — among them as respectable men as there were in 
the state, to act as occasion might require. A sort of ne- 
gotiation was entered into and an understanding had, as to 
the proceedings that would take place. One of the sena- 
tors, (who could not " go the whole") gave way and voted 
against his party; Col. Hall was then declared duly elected 
and each man departed for his home in peace. 

We had another great contest in this small state in the ensu- 
ing year, 1802, which I shall briefly notice, and conclude this 
branch of the subject. Mr. Bayard, who voted thirty-six 
times for Burr in the house of representatives, vested with 
the whole power of the state in his own person, was again 
a candidate. We put up Mr. C. A. Rodney to oppose him. 
k These gentlemen ever were, till the lamented decease of the 
former, on the most intimate and friendly footing of any 



30 POLITICAL LANDMARKS | 

two persons that I ever knew, and they nobly maintained 
their regard for one another, even in this furious rencon- 
tre of parties. It was as stubborn a contest as ever took 
place — but resulted in the election of Mr. Rodney by a ma- 
jority of fifteen votes ! Mr. Bayard was a man of great 
powers— J^rless and brave, almost an idol with his party, 
and so mrrch the more desired to be put down by the other 
side. In looking over some old papers, I happened 
to meet with an extract from the Baltimore Federal 
Gazette, of the 11th October, 1802. This was not the 
most violent of the papers of that day ; it, however said, 
" Indeed, the death of Washington could not have given 
the enemies of liberty more satisfaction than that Bayard 
has lost his election." It was an event deplored by one 
party, and a cause for triumph in the other, that, perhaps, 
never had its fellow in the choice of one representative in 
the congress of the United States. Mr. Bayard, surely, 
was about the strongest man in the " federal" interest — he 
was privately liberal, yet as a puhlic man, resolved, and 
sometimes apparently rather austere. Still every one ad- 
mired his uncommon talents, and all believed him honest. 
His political principles were severely assailed in this contest, 
but his integrity never impeached ; and it is fair to add that 
Mr. Rodney was treated in the same respectful manner by 
the other side ; but it would sometimes make one smile to 
see these gentlemen, almost daily arm-in-arm together, while 
their adverse political friends were seemingly ready to make 
battle at every corner or cross roads in the state ! 

Before Mr. Bayard proceeded to Washington in the lat- 
ter end of the year 1800, he declared, in my hearing, that, if 
the choice of a president was to be made between Mr. Jef- 
ferson and Mr. Burr, no man ought to hesitate. He be- 
lieved, he said, that the first meant right, but that his 
scheme of government was not fitted to. the state of society, 
and he pronounced it visionary. Of the latter he spoke in 
very rough terms, and expressed his surprise that the 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 31 

" democrats " had ever taken him up, saying he was a per- 
fect Cat aline. The very evening of Mr. Bayard's return 
home, on the 6th or Tth of March, 1801, we accidentally 
met, and I took the liberty to remind him of the conversa- 
tion alluded to, and apply it to his late votes for Mr. Burr 
in congress. He said that his opinion of the men had not 
been changed ; and then expressed his detestation of the 
trammels of party ; observing, that I could not yet under- 
stand their force. He said this in a way that silenced me, 
for he appeared exceedingly mortified, if not distressed. I 
do not affect to have had an intimacy with Mr. B. but we 
were sometimes together at the house of a mutual friend; 
and then, as on all other occasions, he was polite and com- 
municative — liberal in his remarks, and willing to hear the 
observations of those that he happened to be in company 
of. This gentleman's conduct in 1801, has already been 
mentioned — it was he who then, perhaps, prevented a dread- 
ful calamity ; and if the history of a certain meeting that 
took place between 1808 and '10 is ever brought to light-, 
I apprehend it will appear that he, a second time, inter- 
posed, and destroyed a scheme that* had for its apparent 
purpose a separation t^f the states. He was a warm parti- 
zan — but a real patriot ; a good neighbor and a generous 
friend. My testimony cannot add any thing to his reputa- 
tion ; but a notice of him seemed fitted to the general sub- 
ject that I am endeavoring to give a faithful, though imper- 
fect, account of — and when a man such as he was, pro- 
ceeded to the lengths that he did, through parti/ , what must 
have been the state of the public mind. 

In 1803, an amendment of the constitution was proposed 
relative to the election of president and vice-president, so 
as to designate which person was voted for as president and 
which as vice-president. The admendment was proposed 
by the republicans, to provide against the disappointment 
which had threatened them at the election in 1801, and 
which had caused so much bitterness of feeling. The fe- 
deralists opposed the amendment as an unwise departure 



32 political landmarks; 

from the spirit and design of the constitution, which was, 
that two persons fully qualified for the office' of chief ma- 
gistrate, should be voted for without a specific and exclu- 
sive designation of one to the presidency, and thus in case 
of death of one, the other who would succeed, would be equal 
to the discharge of the high trust. The amendment was 
agreed to by the votes of two-thirds of the members of both 
branches of Congress, and within the year 1804, it was ra- 
tified by three-fourths of the States as required by the con- 
stitution. It became a part of the constitution on the 25th 
September, 1804. 

An additional law was passed by Congress on the sub- 
ject of the naturalization of aliens, and the time of resi- 
dence required previous to their becoming citizens was 
placed on its original footing of five years, instead of four- 
teen. The federalists opposed this law, as they deemed it 
unreasonable to admit foreigners to all the rights of those 
born and educated in the United States, until they had re- 
sided a longer time in this country, while they were readi- 
ly allowed protection and equal justice. 

The bankrupt law which had been enacted under Mr. 
Adams' administration was repealed at the first session of 
the 8th Congress at the instance, it is believed, of Mr. Jef- 
ferson, and certainly with his hearty concurrence. 

During the contest in the House of Representatives be- 
tween Jefferson and Burr, the latter was in Albany, and his 
friends represented that he took no part in the matter ; but 
strong feelings of dissatisfaction and jealousy grew up be- 
tween the friends of the president and vice-president, creat- 
ing quite a schism in the ranks of the democratic party. 
These feelings were suppressed in a measure ; but the re- 
sult was the political prostration of Col. Burr, before his 
term of office expired. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 66 

Second election of Thomas Jefferson, as President of the United States, 
and the incidents therewith connected. 

In 1803, the zeal of parties was so much softened, that 
Mr. Jefferson was re-elected in 1804, as before observed, 
almost unanimously — Connecticut and Delaware being the 
only states that voted against him, supported however, by 
two straggling votes from Maryland — 14, all told. Matters 
went on pretty quietly until 1807, though parties w r ere yet 
strictly divided in Congress, and some agitations took place 
about " Burr's conspiracy," the purchase of Louisiana, and 
divers other things — none of them, perhaps, coming into 
our view as "landmarks," — the majoiity was not violent, 
and the minority submitted as it should do. 

In November, 1806, Napoleon, emperor of France issued 
is Berlin decree. This was followed up by the famous Bri- 
tish orders in council, the first dated January 7, 1807, and 
order was heaped on order, in perfect contempt of neutral 
rights, Napoleon taking part in the effect by his Milan de- 
cree of the 17th December, same year. The British orders 
in council declared nearly all Europe in a state of blockade, 
and the American coast was lined with ships to enforee said 
blockade, at the mouth of the harbor of New- York, and it 
was done! Nay, the insolent persons who commanded 
these ships took the liberty of overhauling even shallops, 
laden with cord wood or hay, for the New-York market, and 
a scoundrel, named Whitby, fired into a sloop and murdered 
a citizen of the United States. At other places, acts nearly 
as outrageous were committed, and the cup of bitterness 
was filled by the base attack on the Chesapeake frigate, to 
support British claims to the "right of search," and to im- 
press seamen from our ships, thousands of whom, native 
American citizens, were then enslaved in her " floating 
hells." Blessed be heaven ! — I never expect to hear of a 
recurrence of these things — they cannot happen in a state 
of peace ; for though Britain thus made war on us we were 
at peace with her. Not being prepared for the contest, and 



34 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

for every good reason wishing to avoid a war that would 
mix our affairs with those of Europe, what were called " re- 
strictive measures" were adopted, and the embargo laid in 
December, 1807, to protect persons and property against the 
depredations of the British, and nearly two months before 
the Milan decree was here known to have been passed. It 
was regarded as the only alternative between submission 
and war, by the u democrats," though opposed by the " fe- 
deralists," being, as they asserted, laid at the dictation of 
France. 

A minute account of the proceedings that led to the em- 
bargo would be highly interesting — and shew that those 
who first urged the government to resist British encroach- 
ments, were the first to abandon it for having resisted them ! 
The facts are in proof, in the memorials of the merchants 
and others — and, if collected, would make a curious little 
volume. 

The bill for laying an embargo passed the senate, 22 yeas 
and 6 nays — and was carried in the house, 82 to 44. On 
looking over the yeas and nays, I notice the name of one 
gentleman, at that time holding his seat as a " federalist," 
who voted for the embargo — and one also, so regarded as a 
" democrat," who voted against it. Perhaps there never 
was a more strict drawing of the line between parties than 
on this occasion. It was the great point or " landmark" 
of Mr. Jefferson's administration, involving in its practice, 
the whole of his theory in favor of peace and in opposition 
to war. But it rekindled the old fire of party. He that 
was for the embargo wa^s a " democrat" — he that was against 
it, a " federalist." It was a wall between the parties, to 
be seen and almost felt with the hand, (so strong was it,) in 
every state, city, county, town, village or hamlet of the 
United States, and in every class or condition of the people, 
" high or low, rich or poor." It was the touchstone of 
principle — as shall be exemplified by familiar events that 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 35 

happened in Maryland, to represent the acts and feelings 
of the whole people of the United States. 

The city and county of Baltimore formed a district that 
sent two members to congress. The " democrats," resol- 
ved to re-elect Major N. R. Moore, a soldier of the revolu- 
tion, who had voted for the embargo, with Mr. A. McKim, 
a very respectable merchant and a friend of the embargo as 
his colleague. The " federalists," or opponents of the em- 
bargo, thought they had a better chance of success by taking 
up one man only, and they fixed on a gentleman that would 
have succeeded if it had been possible to elect one fav^R 
able to the policy of his then party; it was Mr. W. H. 
Winder, since General Winder of the army of the United 
States, at that time believed and now held to be, not only a 
learned and accomplished gentleman, but as true an Ameri- 
can as ever lived. If perseverance, in itself, ever deserved 
success, he ought to have been elected. The campaign 
was a very hot one, and each party spent much time, and 
used all possible exertion, to increase or bring forth its 
strength. But when the election came on, Messrs. Moore 
and McKim obtained 6857 votes, and Mr. Winder only 1818. 
But let us further mark the prevalence of principles — this 
same M ajor Moore, who obtained such an overwhelming ma- 
jority in 1808, who had always sustained. the character of one 
of the best of men and soundest of" democrats," was re- 
jected in 1810, and Mr. Peter Little, sent in his place ! 
Little 2604, Moore, 2478. The reason for this was, that 
Major Moore had voted for a repeal of the embargo law, 
which Mr. Little said he would not have done; and the old 
veteran, with all the power of old attachments and faithful 
services, supported too by three-fourths of the wealthy of 
the " democratic party," was beaten by a new man, a me- 
chanic, for principle sake ; and hundreds who voted against 
him put in their ballots with serious regret. I w r as one of 
these. We all loved the man, but felt it our duty to main- 
tain what we thought a matter of principle. It is notorious 



36 POLITICAL LANDMARKS | 

that the whole state of Maryland so acted for or against the 
embargo question ; and that because the majority was in 
favor of that measure Gen. Smith was re-elected to the 
senate, in 1806. 

During the term of Mr. Jefferson's administration, some 
points were unsuccessfully made by the " federalists," in 
which subsequent events and increased knowledge have 
shewn that they were right— and others were made in which 
they were undoubtedly wrong. But party, supported and 
j^-ty opposed, almost every measure suggested by the exe- 
cutive. The gun boat system, no doubt proper, useful and 
efficient in certain cases, ttut now universally acknowledged 
as wholly incompetent to a scheme of national defence ; and 
the opposition of the " democrats" to the navy (proper) had 
also been in the extreme. But I doubt very much whether 
in the leap we have .made from gun boats to ships of the 
first class will not be found as inconsistent with sound po- 
licy, if much further extended. I am fearful that the 
science and skill of our invaluable seamen, and their ex- 
ploits on the ocean, may hive seduced us into an establish- 
ment that will hereafter cause us much trouble. It is an 
easy thing to build ships of the line— but to man and sup- 
port them for war, is another affair : and when we call to 
mind the accidents of storm and battle to which they are 
liable, perhaps there may be reason to believe that they 
may become too much a favorite with us. A fleet may be 
defeated— it may be wrecked, and then the naval means for 
the whole period of a war may be lost. I know that it is 
the opinion of some of our best naval officers, that if the 
navy is to be increased beyond the amount of ships now 
building, attention should be paid exclusively to the erec- 
tion of strong frigates and sloops of war, to harass an enemy 
and dissipate his strength. 

We must here be permitted to diverge a little from what 
might be, strictly speaking, our straight path, in order to 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 37 

show up an error, which even in these days, prevails in the 
minds of many. There are not a few who believe that the 
difference of party consists merely in the strife of one set 
of men to obtain offices and posts of honor to the exclusion 
of others. It is a very great error. The contests between 
the two great political parties have ever been conducted 
upon the supposition that in the success of one or the other, 
a particular line of policy would be adopted in accordance 
with the views and policy of that majority. To show this 
more clearly, we place before the reader the following 

Extract of a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Melish, dated 

Montjcello, Jan. 13, 1813. 

Dear Sir : — I received, duly, your favor of the 15th, and 
with it the copies of your map and travels, for which be 
pleased to accept my thanks. The book I have read with 
extreme satisfaction and information. 

****** * 

The candor with which you have viewed the manners and 
condition of our citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices 
of the French and English travelers preceding you, who, 
considering each the manners and habits of their own people 
as the only orthodox, have viewed every thing differing from 
that test as boorish and barbarous, that your work will be 
read here extensively and operate great good. 

Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every 
other part of the work, there is a single sentiment which I 
cannot help wishing to bring to what I think the correct 
one ; and, on a point so interesting, I value your opinion 
too highly not to ambition its concurrence with my own. 
Stating in volume one, page sixty-three, the principle of 
difference between the two great political parties here, you 
conclude it to be, " whether the controlling power shall be 
vested in this or that set of men." That each party en- 
deavors to get into the administration of the government, 
and to exclude the other from power, is true, and may be 
stated as a motive of action ; but this is only secondary ; 



38 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

the primary motive being a real and radical difference of 
political principle. I sincerely wish our differences were 
but personally who should govern, and that the principles 
of our constitution were those of both parties. Unfortu- 
nately, it is otherwise ; and the question of preference be- 
tween monarchy and republicanism, which has so long di- 
vided mankind elsewhere, threatens a permanent division 
here. 

Among that section of our citizens called federalists, 
there are three shades of opinion. Distinguishing between 
the leaders and people who compose it, the leaders consider 
the English constitution as a model of perfection, some, 
with a correction of its vices, others, wi*h all its corruptions 
and abuses. This last was Alexander Hamilton's opinion, 
which others, as well as myself, have often heard him de- 
clare, and that a correction of what are called its vices, 
would render the English an impracticable government. 
This government they wished to have established here, and 
only accepted and held fast, at first, to the present consti- 
tution, as a stepping stone to the final establishment of their 
favorite model. This party has therefore always clung to 
England, as their prototype, and great auxiliary in pro- 
moting and effecting this change. A weighty minority, 
however, of these leaders, considering the voluntary con- 
version of our government into a monarchy as too distant, 
if not desperate, wish to break off from our Union its east- 
ern fragment, as being, in truth, the hot bed of American 
monarchism, with a view to a commencement of their fa- 
vorite government, from whence the other states may gan- 
grene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought finally to 
the desired point. For Massachusetts, the prime mover in 
this enterprise, is the last state in the Union to mean a final 
separation, as being of all the most dependant on the others. 
Not raising bread for the sustenance of her own inhabitants, 
not having a stick of timber for the construction of vessels, 
her principal occupation, nor an article to export in them, 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 39 

where would she be, excluded from the ports of the other 
states, and thrown into dependance on England, her direct 
and natural, but now insidious, rival? At the head of this 
minority is what is called the Essex Junto of Massachu- 
setts. But the majority of these leaders do not aim at se- 
paration. In this, they adhere to the known principle of 
General Hamilton, never, under any views, to break the 
Union. Anglomany, monarchy, and separation, then, are 
the principles of the Essex federalists ; Anglomany and mo- 
narchy, those of the Hamiltonians, and Anglomany alone, 
that of the portion among the people who call themselves 
federalists. These last are as good republicans as the 
brethren whom they oppose, and differ from them only in 
the devotion to England and hatred of France, which they 
have imbibed from their leaders. The moment that these 
leaders should avowedly propose a separation of the Union, 
or the establishment of regal government, their popular ad- 
herents would quit them to a man, and join the republican 
standard; and the partisans of this change, even in Massa-^ 
chusetts, would thus find themselves an army of officers 
without a soldier. 

The party called republican is steadily for the support of 
the present constitution. They obtained, at its commence- 
ment, all the amendments to it they desired. These recon- 
ciled them to it perfectly, and if they have any ulterior view, 
it is only, perhaps, to popularise it further, by shortning the 
senatorial term, and divising a process for the responsibili- 
ty of judges, more practicable than that of impeachment. 
They esteem the people of England and France equally, 
and equally detest the governing powers of both. 

This I verily believe, after an intimacy of forty years 
with the public councils and characters, is a true statement 
of the grounds On which they are at present divided, and 
that it is not merely an ambition for power. An honest 
man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power over his 
fellow citizens. And considering as the only offices of 



40 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

power those conferred by the people directly, that is to say, 
the executive and legislative functions of the general and 
state governments, the common refusal of these, and mul- 
tiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient that power is not 
alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the primary 
principle of contest. This is my belief of it ; it is that on 
which I have acted ; and had it been a mere contest who 
should be permitted to administer the government accord- 
ing to its genuine republican principles, there has never 
been a moment of my life, in which I should have relin- 
quished for it the enjoyments of my family, my farm, my 
friends and books. 

You expected to discover the difference of our party prin- 
ciples in General Washington's valedictory, and my inau- 
gural address. I\ot at all. General Washington did not 
harbor one principle of federalism. He was neither an An- 
gloman, a monarchist, nor a separatist. He sincerely 
wished the people to have as much self-government as they 
^were competent to exercise themselves. The only point 
in which he and I ever differed in opinion, was, that I had 
more confidence than he had in the natural integrity and 
discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to 
which they might trust themselves with a control over their 
government. He has asseverated to me a thousand times 
his determination that the existing government should have 
a fair trial, and that in support of it he would spend the 
last drop of his blood. He did this the more repeatedly, 
because he knew General Hamilton's political bias, and my 
apprehensions from it. It is a mere calumny, therefore, in 
the monarchists, to associate General Washington with their 
principles. But that may have happened in this case which 
has been often seen in ordinary cases, that, by often re- 
peating an untruth, men come to believe it themselves. It 
is a mere artifice in this party, to bolster themselves up on 
the revered name of that first of our worthies. If I have 
dwelt longer on this subject than was necessary, it ;•• 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 41 

the estimation in which I hold your ultimate opinions, and 
my desire of placing the subject truly before them. In so 
doing, I am certain I risk no use of the communication 
which may draw me into contention before the public. 
Tranquility is the summum bonum of a Septagenaire. 

To return to the merits of your work : I consider it as 
so lively a picture of the real state of our country, that if I 
can possiWy obtain opportunities of conveyance, I propose 
to send a copy to a friend in France, and another to one in 
Italy, who, I know, will translate and circulate it as an an- 
tidote to the misrepresentations of former travelers. But 
whatever effect my profession of political faith may have on 
your general opinion, a part of my object will be obtained, 
if it satisfies you as to the principles of my own action, and 
of the high respect and consideration with which I tender 
you my salutations. Th : Jefferson. 

The election of James Madison to the Presidency in 
1808 was incidental to the embargo policy, and not in itr 
self a landmark. His opponent Charles C. Pinckney, oi 
South-Carolina, only received 47 votes, while Mr. Madison 
received 122, as follows : 

31adison, Pinckney. 
New-Hampshire, - ' 7 

Vermont, - 6 

Massachusetts, * ' - 19 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, - 9 

New-York, - - - - 13 

New-Jersey, - - - 8 

Pennsylvania, ; - 20 

Delaware, - 3 

Maryland. - - 9 2 

Virginia, - - - - -24^- 
North-Carolina, - - - 11 W . 3 

South-Carolina. - - - 10 
Georgia, - 6 

Tennessee, - - - ■ - 5 
Kentucky, - 7 

Ohio, 3 



2* 



122 47 



political landmarks; 

George Clinton was the democratic candidate running 
with Mr. Madison, and Rufus King was the federal can- 
didate running with Mr. Pinckney, receiving of course the 
same vote. 

Mr. Madison selected for his cabinet, Robert Smith, of 
Maryland, as secretary of state; William Eustis, of Massa- 
chusetts, secretary of war; Paul Hamilton, of South-Caro- 
lina, secretary of the navy ; Mr. Gallatin was continued as . 
secretary of the treasury, as was Cesar Rodney' of Dela- 
ware, attorney-general. 

The eleventh Congress met on the 22d of May, 1809, 
agreably to a law passed by the previous congress, in con- 
sequence of the critical state of the nation, and the appre- 
hension of a war with Great Britain or France. 

At this session the non-intercourse act with Great Britain 
and France, which had been substituted for the embargo, 
by the last congress, was continued, with some modifica- 
tions 
w*Soon after this there was a tolerable political caim. 

The next great political struggle was upon the attempt 
to renew the charter of the old Bank of the United States, 
in 1811. The federalists, regarded that institution as a 
u Sheet Anchor," and the ''democrats" deprecated it as 
an oppression ; unconstitutional in" organization, and per- 
nicious in its operation. 

That some cases of political persecution, at least, seemed 
to appear in the conduct of the bank of the United States, 
was undoubted — perhaps, they were magnified ; but the fact 
was, that the management of its concerns, during the most 
ardent of our contests, was exclusively vested in " fede- 
ralists," as w# stated at the time, and now believed to 
have been the case. The boards of directors were gene- 
rally made up of the most active politicians. From the 
period of the election of Mr. Jefferson, in 1800, it seemed 
as if it was the common purpose of all the " democrats" to 
refuse to re-charter that institution. Its establishment had 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 43 

been opposed by Mr. Madison and other men, of the high- 
est standing, as unconstitutional, and so it was accepted to 
be by the democratic party, whose opinion, it may be, was 
strenghtened by party hostility to it ; but, when the time to 
act arrived, some flew the course, on the ground of expe- 
diency, or an honest apprehension of the great injury that 
would result from the natural death of the institution : but 
the body of the party held its ground, and, for their main- 
taining it, the " democratic" papers were severely alluded 
to in the senate, when the subject was under discussion, as 
may be seen by a reference to the speeches then delivered. 
Still, the vote in both houses was, (taken together,) unpre- 
cedentedly close. 

Nothing like it before, perhaps, had ever taken place. 
A bill to renew the charter was first introduced in the 
house — and, after much debate, the first section was struck 
out, (or, in ojther words, the bill was rejected,) by sixty-five 
votes against sixty-four™ majority one. This vote was tgJ^j 
on the 24th January, 1811. A bill with some new provi- 
sions, but to effect the same general purpose, was intro- 
duced into the senate, and a motion made therein to strike 
out the first section. A long and very able debate followed 
— the vote was taken on the 20th of February and stood 
seventeen to seventeen ! The vice-president of the United 
States, the venerable George Clinton, then rose, and, 
having assigned his reasons, directed that his vote sriould 
be entered in the affirmative. 

It was an exciting moment when it was discovered that 
" to be or not to be," depended upon one man — the casting 
vote of the vice-president — but he discharged his duty man- 
fully. 

The bill pending before the Senate was to renew the 
charter of the United States Bank, which was so odious to 
the democratic party, when a motion was made to strike 
out the first section, the effect of which would be to destroy 
the bill, the vote stood as follows : 



44 political landmarks; 

Yeas. — Messrs. Anderson, Campbell, Clay, Cutts, Gail- 
lard, German, Giles, Gregg, Franklin, Lambert, Leib, 
Mathewson, Reed, Robinson, S. Smith, Whiteside, Wor- 
thington, 17. 

Nays. — Messrs. Bayard, Bradley, Brent, Champlin, Con- 
dit, Crawford, Dana, Gilman, Godrich, Horsey, Lloyd, 
Pickering, Pope, J. Smith, Tait, Taylor, Turner, 17. 

It will be observed that William H. Crawford was one 
of the expediency democrats who voted in the negative. 
Henry Clay, then a member of the United States Senate, 
voted in the affirmative, and was then a democrat. He 
made a powerful speeoh against the bank at the same time. 
It has been regarded as one of the most argumentative 
speeches ever made upon that subject. Subsequently Mr. 
Clay left the *' democrats," which fact alone has probably 
kept him from the presidential chair, as he stood high as a 
statesman, and the democracy retained the ascendancy for 
years afterwards. He became an advocate of the re-charter 
oTthe bank in 1816, and during the discussions incident to 
the attempt to re-charter the same in 1832, he was the 
main champion of the whigsupon that question in favor of 
such re-charter. 

The position taken by Mr. Crawford upon the bank 
question in 1811 injured him very materially with democrats 
in 1824, when his name was brought into the presidential 
canvass. He had many warm supporters, and among the 
rest Thomas Ritchie, then of the Richmond Enquirer, and 
now of the" Union," who, in his devotion to Mr. Crawford, 
allowed himself to deal in rather unwarranted language 
towards Andrew Jackson, who was always a democrat, 
and one who never deviated from a straight forward course 
for expediency sake, or any other cause. 

Both houses resolved that they would not re-establish the 
bank, on any conditions whatever. That the federalists re- 
garded this as a great party measure is to be ascertained 
from the fact, that every one of them, in both houses, voted 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 45 

for a renewal of the bank ; and they were joined by a num- 
ber of members, who were regarded as " democrats," not 
believing the bank to be unconstitutional, and thinking it 
expedient to re-instate it, for various reasons. The decease 
of this bank afforded much joy to the party. 

The twelfth Congress assembled on the 4th of November, 
1811, when Henry Clay of Kentucky, an ardent supporter of 
the administration, was elected speaker of the house of repre- 
sentatives, it being the first time in which he had taken a 
seat in that body, although he had previously been a mem- 
ber of the United States Senate at two short sessions, when 
he had acquired considerable reputation as a ready and 
eloquent debater, and exhibited some of those traits of 
character which have since distinguished him in the annals 
of the country, as a statesman. « 



The next landmark was laid down in the declaration of war, in June 1812. 

The main question was carried in the House of Repre^^ 
sentatives of Congress on the 4th of June, yeas 78 — nays, 
45. All the yeas were " democrats." In the Senate, yeas 
19, nays, 13. All the "federalists" in both houses were 
against it, — one who had rather been considered as such, 
excepted. 

The war was successfully prosecuted and resulted favor- 
ably, in the winding up scene, being the great achieve- 
ments of Andrew Jackson at New-Orleans, on the 8th 
day of January, 1815. The embarassments thrown in the 
way of the party in power in the prosecution of the war 
were very great on the part of the " federalists." 

History furnishes the particulars of that war and its re- 
sults, and we have not space to refer to it at length. 



Attempt made in 1812 to defeat the re-election of Mr. Madison by putting 
up a " democrat/' De Witt Clinton, against him. 

The result of the matter was, that Mr. Madison received 

128 votes, and Mr. Clinton 89 votes, as follows : 



46 political landmarks; 

Madison. Clinton. 
New-Hampshire, - 8 

Vermont, - - - - 8 

Massachusetts, - 22 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, - 9 

New-York, .... 29 

New- Jersey, ----- 8 

Pennsylvania, - 25 

Delaware, 4 

Maryland, ----'- 6 5 

Virginia, - -*-*•- - - 25 

North-Carolina, - 15 

South-Carolina, - - - - 11 
Georgia, ----- 8 

Louisiana, ----- 3 
Tennessee, -..-:-- 8 

Kentucky, 12 

I Ohio, 7 

128 89 

Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts was the democratic 
candidate for Vice-President, and Jared Ingersoll, the 
candidate of the federal party. The vote stood 131 to 86. 
The declaration of war against Great Britain gave full 
force again to parties, and are-organization of the "federal" 
strength took place. 

Mr. Clinton had been regarded as a most decided " dem 
ocrat," but the opposition, knowing that they could not dis- 
place Mr. Madison by one of their own nun, agreed on Mr 
Clinton, that they might secure the important state of New- 
York, at that time of doubtful politics, or indeed " federal." 
He was known to be a man of energy and talents — there 
were strong attachments to him among the " democrats," 
and it is morally certain that, if he had not been pushed 
forward in 1812, he would have received the unanimous 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 47 

support of the party in 1816. Local feelings, it may be, 
had some influence in New- York and New-Jersey, but al- 
most every where else, it icas the old question of democracy 
and federalism. The friends of the war generally thought 
that a change of the administration would have a fatal effect 
on its results, and shew a wavering policy highly prejudi- 
cial to the national character— still there were some few in 
Maryland, supporters of the war, who advocated the elec- 
tion of Mr. Clinton, on the alleged incompetency of Mr. 
Madison to carry it on with spirit, and bring it to a success- 
ful termination. Some of us, nevertheless, thought, at the 
same time, that personal considerations had as much to do 
in this proceeding as national feelings. I do not believe 
that we were greatly mistaken—and it is probable that most 
of us had respected Mr. Clinton as sincerely as any of those 
opposed to Mr. Madison. They had not influence enough 
to obtain an election in either of the districts. All the " dem- 
ocrats" chosen in Maryland voted for Mr, Madison- — all tha^ 
" federalists" for Mr. Clinton. 

The congressional elections in 1810-11, proved that the 
policy of Mr. Madison's administration was sustained by a 
large majority of the American people; the preponderance 
of the democratic party being kept up in both branches of 
congress. 

Many divisions of parties took place before the termina- 
tion of Mr. Madison's second period of service— but they 
were all incidental to or depending upon the great points 
already laid down; and before he retired we had arrived at 
a state of things not. materially different from that which 
existed in the first part of Mr. Jefferson's second period of 
service, The nation had acquired a character of which all 
real Americans were proud, though called by different 

names, — — ■ 

THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. 

Theodore Dwight, in his history of the Hartford Con- 
vention, makes an attempt to vindicate the character of 



48 POLITICAL LANDMARKS; 

those engaged in that matter, from the denunciations of the 
American people. In this work Mr. Jefferson is unmer- 
cifully handled. He is denounced as being the leader of the 
" anti-federal party." Among other ohjections urged by 
Mr. Dwight against Mr. Jefferson, was, that he " strongly 
disapproved of the assumption of the state debts" by the 
General Government, was opposed to the United States 
Bank, &c. &c. 

We now proceed to give the Secret Journal of the Hart- 
ford Convention, as made out by Theodore Dwight, the 
Secretary of the Convention. It is quite lenghty, but as it 
embraces a very important branch of the history of parties, 
we publish it entire, in his own language. 

SECRET JOURNAL OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. 

" Hartford, Thursday, Dec. 15, 1814. 

" This being the day appointed for the meeting of the 
Jfeonvention of delegates from the New England States, 
assembled for the purpose of conferring on such subjets as 
may come before them, the following persons from those 
states, met in the council chamber of the state house, in 
Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, viz : 

" From the state of Massachusetts, Messrs. George Ca- 
bot, William Prescott, Harrison Gray Otis, Timothy Bige- 
low, Nathan Dane, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, Hodijah 
Baylies, Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman, Samuel S. Wilde, 
and Stephen Longfellow, Jun. 

"From the state of Rhode-Island, Messrs. Daniel Ly- 
man, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward Manton. 

From the state of Connecticut, Messrs. Chauncey Good- 
rich, James Hillhouse, John Treadwell, Zephaniah Swift, 
Nath'l Smith, Calvin Goddard, and Roger M. Sherman. 

" From the State of New-Hampshire, Messrs. Benjamin 
West, and Mills Olcott. 

" Upon being called to order by Mr. Cabot, the persons 
present proceeded to choose, by ballot, a president. Messrs. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 49 

Bigelow and Goodrich were appointed to receive and count 
the votes given for that purprse, who reported that Mr. 
George Cabot, a Member from Massachusetts was unani- 
mously chosen, 

11 On motion, voted, that the Convention proceed to the 
choice of a person to be their secretary, who is not a mem- 
ber of the Convention ; and the votes having been received 
and counted, Theodore Dwight of Hartford, was declared 
to be chosen unanimously. 

" Messrs. Otis, Hillhouse, and Lyman were appointed a 
committee to examine the credentials of the members re- 
turned to serve in the convention, and report the names of 
such as they should find duly qualified ; who, having attend- 
ed to the subject of their said appointment, made the follow- 
ing report : 

" The committee appointed to examine the credentials 
of the members returned to serve in the convention now as- 
sembled at Hartford, have attended to that service, and find 
the following persons to have been elected members there- 
of by the respective legislatures of the following states : 
From Massachusetts, Geo, Cabot, William Prescott, Harri- 
son Gray Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Stephen Longfellow, Jun., 
Daniel Waldo, George Bliss, Nathan Dane, Hodijah Bay- 
lies, Joshua Thomas, Joseph Lyman, and Samuel S. Wilde. 
From Rhode Island, Daniel Lyman, Samuel Ward, Benja- 
min Hazard,- and Edward Manton. From Connecticut, 
Chauncy Goodrich, James Hillhouse, John Treadwell, 
Zephaniah Swift, Calvin Goddard, Nathaniel Smith, and 
Roger Minot Sherman, 

" The committee also report, that at a conventional meet- 
ing of twenty towns in the county of Cheshire, in the state 
of New-Hampshire, Hon. Benjamin West was elected to 
meet in this convention ; and at a conventional meeting of 
delegates from most of the towns in the county of Grafton, 
and from the town of Lancaster in the county of Coos,, 
Mills Oleotij Esq,, was Elected to meet in this convention \ 



50 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

and the committee are of opinion that the above named per- 
sons are entitled to take their seats as members of this con- 
vention. 

" On motion, voted, that the report be accepted and ap- 
proved. 

" On motion of Mr. Otis, voted, that the convention be 
opened with prayer, and that the delegates from the state 
of Connecticut be requested to invite a clergyman belong- 
ing to the town of Hartford to perform such service. 

" On motion voted that Messrs. Goddard, Bigelow, and 
Lyman be a committee to prepare rules of proceeding for 
this convention. 

" The convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. 
Dr. Strong of Hartford. 

On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned to 
3 o'clock, P. M. of this day, then to meet at this place. 
Thursday, Dec. 15, 3 o'clock P. M. 

" The convention met agreeably to adjournment. » 

" The committee appointed to prepare rules of proceed- 
ing, proper to be observed by this convention, &c, made 
the following report : 

" The committee appointed to prepare rules and orders 
proper to be observed by this convention, during its con- 
tinuance, ask leave to report the following ; which are 
respectfully submitted. • 

Calvin Goddard, per order. 

" 1. The meetings of this convention shall be opened 
each morning by prayer, which it is requested may be 
performed, alternately, by the chaplains of the legislature 
of Connecticut, residing in Hartford. 

"2. The most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by 
each member of this] convention, including the secretary, 
as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof, 
until this injunction shall be suspended or altered. 

" 3. The secretary of this convention is authorized to 
employ some suitable person to serve as a doorkeeper and 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 51 

messenger, together with a suitable assistant, if necessary, 
neither of whom are at any time to be made acquainted 
with any of the debates or proceedings of the board. 

"4. That the president of this convention be authorized 
to regulate and direct the debates and proceedings thereof, 
in such a manner as to him may seem discreet and proper, 
and to name all their committees. 

" On motion, voted, that said report be accepted and ap- 
proved. 

" On motion, voted, that a committee of five be appointed 
to inquire what subjects will be proper to be considered by 
this convention, and report such propositions for that pur- 
pose, as they may think expedient, to the convention, to- 
morrow morning. 

" The following persons were appointed on that commit- 
tee : Messrs. Goodrich, Otis, Lyman, of Rhode - Island, 
Swift and Dane. 

" On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned 
to ten o'clock to-morrow morning; then to meet at this 
place. 

Friday, December 16, 1814. 

" The convention met agreeably to adjournment. 

The convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. 
Strong, 

" Mr. Ward, a member from Rhode-Island, attended and 
took his seat in the convention. 

" The committee appointed to inquire what subjects will 
be proper to be considered by the convention, and to report 
such propositions for that purpose, as they may think expe- 
dient, respectfully report : 

"That your committee deem -the following to be proper 
subjects for the consideration of the convention : The 
powers claimed by the executive of the United States, to 
determine, conclusively, in respect to calling out the militia 
of the states into the service of the United States ; and the 
dividing the United States - into military districts, with' an. 






52 POLITICAL landmarks; 

officer of the army in each thereof, with discretionary au- 
thority from the executive of the United States, to call for 
the militia to be under the command of such officer. The 
refusal of the executive of the United States to supply, or 
pay the militia of certain states, called out for their defence, 
on the grounds of their not having been called out under 
the authority of the United States, or not having been, by ' 
the executive of the state, put under the command of the 
commander over the military district. The failure of the 
government of the United States to supply and pay the mi- 
litia of the states by them admitted to have been in the 
United States' service. The report of the secretary of war 
to Congress, on filling the ranks of the army, together with 
a bill, or act on that subject. A bill before Congress pro- 
viding for classing and drafting the militia. The expendi- 
ture of the revenue of the nation in offensive operations on 
the neighboring provinces of the enemy. The failure of 
the government of the United States to provide for the 
common defence ; and the consequent obligations, necessi- 
ty and burdens, devolved on the separate states to defend 
themselves ; together with the mode, and the ways and 
means, in their power for accomplishing the object. 

" On motion, voted, that said report be accepted and ap- 
proved. On motion, voted, that a committee of three be 
appointed to obtain such documents and information as may 
be necessary for the use and consideration of the conven- 
tion, and may be connected with their proceedings. Mr. 
Hillhouse, Mr. Bliss, and Mr. Hazard, were appointed on 
that committee. On motion, voted, that the Rev. Dr. Per- 
kins be invited to attend in turn with the other gentlemen 
already invited, as chaplains. On motion, voted, that the 
injunction of secrecy, as to the proceedings of yesterday, be 
removed. On motion, voted, that the convention be ad- 
journed to 3 o'clock, P. M. of this day, then to meet in this 
place. 

" Three o'clock P. M. — The Convention met agreeably 
to adjournment. After spending the afternoon in various dis- 



I 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, 



53 



cussions of important subjects, on motion, voted, that this 
Convention be adjourned till to-morrow, 10 o'clock A. M., 
then to meet at this place. 

Saturday, December 17, 1814. . 

" The Convention met, agreeably to adjourment. 

" The Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. 
Dr. Strong. After spending the forenoon in discussing the 
1 first section of the report of the committee made on Friday, 
on motion, voted, that when this Convention adjourn, it be 
adjourned till Monday next. * On motion, voted, that this 
Convention be adjourned till Monday next, at 10 o'clock, 
A. M. then to meet at this place. 

" Monday, December 19, 1814- 

" The Convention met, agreeably to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Chase. 

" On motion, voted, that a committee of five be appointed 
to prepare a general project of such measures as it may be 
proper for this. Convention to adopt. 

" Messrs. Smith, Otis, Goddard, West and Hazard, were 
appointed to. be of that committee. 

" On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned 
till 3 o'clock this afternoon then to meet at this place. 

" Three o'clock P. 31. — The Convention met agreeably 
to adjournment. On motion, voted, that the Rev. Mr. 
Cushman be invited to attend in turn with the other gentle- 
men already invited, as chaplains. 

" After spending the afternoon in discussing the report, 
the committee, on motion, voted, that this convention be ad- 
journed till to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to be held 
at this place. 

" Tuesday, Dec. 20, 1814. 

" The Convention met agreeably to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr. 
Strong. The committee appointed to prepare and report a 
general project of such measures as it may be proper for this 
Convention to adopt, made a report, which was laid in and 
read. After discussing several articles of the said report, 



54 political landmarks; 

the further consideration of it was postponed until the 
afternoon. On motion, voted, that this Convention be ad- 
journed till 3 o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this 
place. 

Three o'clock P. M. — The Convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. The Convention resumed the consideration 
of the report of the committee, which was postponed in the 
forenoon ; and after discussion through the afternoon, the 
same was postponed until the morning. On motion, voted, 
that this Convention be adjourned until to-morrow morning, 
10 o'clock A. M. then to meet at this place. 

"Wednesday, Dec. 21, JH-1. 

" The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Chase. 
The Convention resumed the consideration of the report 
postponed yesterday. After spending the time of the fore- 
noon in the discussion of the report of the committe, the 
further consideration was postponed to the afternoon. On 
motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned to 3 o'clock 
this afternoon then to meet, at this place. 

Three o'clock P. 31. — The Convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. The Convention resumed the consideration 
of the report of the committee, which was postponed in 
the forenoon. On motion, voted, that a committee of seven 
be raised to prepare a report illustrative of the principles 
and reasons which have induced the Convention to adopt 
the results to which they have agreed. Mr. Otis, Mr. Smith, 
Mr. Sherman, Mr. Dane, Mr. Prescott, Mr. West, and Mr. 
Hazard, were appointed on that committee. On motion, 
voted, that this Convention be adjourned till to-morrow 
morning, 10 o'clock. 

"Thursday, Dec. 28, 1*14. 

" The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Per- 
kins. The Convention resumed the consideration of the 
report of the committee, postponed last evening. After 
spending the forenoon in discussing said report, further 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 55 

consideration was postponed till this afternoon. On motion, 
voted, that this Convention be adjourned till 3 o'clock then 
to meet at this place. 

" Three o'clock P. 31. — The Convention met agreeably 
to adjournment. The Convention resumed the considera- 
tion of the report of the committee, which was postponed in 
the forenoon. . After spending the afternoon m discussing 
said report, the further consideration thereof was postponed. 
On motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned till 
to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to meet at this place. 
u Friday, Dec. 23, 1814. 

" The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase. 
The Convention resumed the consideration of the report of 
the committee, which was postponed yesterday. After 
spending the forenoon in discussing the report of the com- 
mittee, the farther consideration thereof was postponed until 
to-morrow. On motion, voted, that this Convention be ad- 
journed until to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock, then to meet 
at this place. 

" Saturday, Dec. 24, 1814. 

" The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
Convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Per- 
kins. The president communicated an address from a 
number of citizens belonging to the county of Washington, 
in the state of New- York, which was read. On motion, 
voted, that the said address be referred to the committee 
appointed on the 21st instant. 

" The Convention resumed the consideration of the re- 
port of the committee, which was postponed yesterday. On 
motion, voted, that another member be added to the com- 
mittee appointed on the 21st, Mr. Sherman being neces- 
sarily absent. Mr, Swift was appointed on said committee. 

" The report of the committee which was laid in on the 
20th instant, having been under discussion at the several 
meetings of the Convention, and having been amended, was 



56 POLITICAL landmarks; 

adopted, and referred to the committee appointed on the 
21st to report, which report is as follows, viz : 

" The committee appointed to prepare and report a ge- 
neral project of such measures as it may be proper for this 
Convention to adopt, respectfully report : 

" 1. That it will be expedient for this convention to pre- 
pare a general statement of the unconstitutional attempts of 
the executive government of the United States to infringe 
upon the rights of the individual states, in regard to the 
militia, and of the still more alarming claims to infringe 
upon the rights of the individual states, manifested in the 
letter of the secretary of war, and in the bills pending be- 
fore Congress, or acts passed by them, and also to recom- 
mend to the legislatures of the states, the adoption of the 
most effectual and decisive measures, to protect the militia 
and the states from the usurpations contained in these pro- 
ceedings. 

" % That it will be expedient, also, to prepare a state= 
ment exhibiting the necessity which the improvidence and 
inability of the general government have imposed upon 
the several states, of providing for their own defence, and 
the impossibility of their discharging this duty, and at the 
same time fulfilling the requisitions of the general govern- 
ment ; and also, to recommend to the legislatures of the 
several states, to make provision for mutual defence, and to 
make an earnest application to the government of the United 
States, with a view to some arrangement, whereby the states 
may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxes levied by 
Congress, for the purpose of self-defence, and for the reim- 
bursement of expenses already incurred, on account of the 
United States. 

" 3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several 
state legislatures, certain amendments to the constitution 
of the United States, hereafter enumerated, to be by them 
adopted and proposed. (The remainder of this article in 
the report was postponed). 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIESo 57 

" 1. That the power to declare or make war, by the Con- 
gress of the United States, be restricted. 

" 2. That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for 
restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power, 
to make new states, and admit them into this Union. 

" 3. That the powers of Congress be restrained in laying 
embargoes, and restrictions on commerce. 

" 4. That a president shall not be elected from the same 
state two terms successively. 

" 5. That the same person shall not be elected president 
a second time. 

"6. That an amendment be proposed, respecting slave 
representation, and slave taxation, 

" On motion, voted, that this Convention be adjourned 
to Monday afternoon, three o'clock, then to meet at this 
place, 

Monday, December 26, 1814. 

" The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Mr. Wood- 
bridge, of Hadley, Massachusetts. The committee not be- 
ing prepared to lay in their report, on motion, voted, that 
this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning, 10 
o'clock, then to meet at this place. 

Tuesday, December 27, 1814. 

" The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Per= 
kins. The committee not being prepared to lay in their 
report, on motion, voted that this convention be adjourned 
to 3 o'clock, this afternoon, then to meet at this place, 

Three o'clock P. M,— The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. The committee not being prepared to lay in 
their report, on motion, voted, that this convention be ad= 
journed to 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, then to meet at 
this place, 

Wednesday, December 28, 1814. 

" The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
convention was opened with prayer, by the Rev, Mr. Chase, 



58 political landmarks; 

A certificate of the proceedings of a convention in the coun- 
ty of Windham, in the state of Vermont, appointing Hon. 
William Hall, Jun., to represent the people of that county 
in this convention, was read. On motion, voted, that the 
Hon. William Hall Jun., is entitled to a seat in this conven- 
. tion ; and that the Hon. Mr. Olcott, of New-Hampshire be 
requested to introduce Mr, Hall for the purpose of taking 
his seat. 

" Mr. Hall, a member from the county of Windham, in 
the state of Vermont, attended and took his seat in the con- 
vention. The report of the committee not being prepared, 
on motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned to 3 
o'clock this afternoon ; then to meet at this place. 

." Three, o'clock P. 31. — The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. The report of the committee not being pre- 
pared, upon motion, voted, that this convention be adjourn- 
ed till to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. 

Thursday, December 29, 1814. 

The convention met pursuant to adjourment. The con- 
vention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Strong. 
On motion, voted that the following proposition be referred 
to the committee appointed on the 21st inst : 

" That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices 
of trust, honor or profit ought to be restrained ; and that it 
is expedient to propose an a nendment to the Constitution 
of the United States, in relation to that subject. 

•' The report of the committee not being prepared, on 
motion, voted that this convention be adjourned till 3 o'clock 
this afternoon, then to meet at this place. 

Friday, December 30, 1814. 

The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The con- 
vention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Perkins. 
The committee appointed on the 21st instant presented 
their report, which was read twice. The forenoon having 
been spent in reading the report, on motion, voted, that this 
convention be adjourned till three o'clock this afternoon, 
then to meet at this place. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 59 

Three o'clock P. M. — The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. After spending the afternoon in discussing 
the report, the subject was postponed. On motion, voted, 
that this convention be adjourned till to-morrow morning, 
10 o'clock, then to meet at this place. 

Saturday, December 31, 1814. 

"The convention met pursuant to. adjournment. The 
convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase. 
The convention resumed the consideration of the report, 
postponed yesterday. On motion, voted, lihat a committee 
to consist of three, be appointed to procure that part of the 
report which relates to the militia, printed confidentially. 
Messrs. Goodrich, Lyman, of Massachusetts, and Goddard, 
were^ippointed on that committee. After spending the 
forenoon in considering the report of the committee, the fur- 
ther consideration thereof was postponed. On motion, vo- 
ted, that this convention be adjourned till half-past two 
o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this place. 

Half-past two o'clock P. 31. — The convention met pur- 
suant to adjournment. The convention, resumed the con- 
sideration of the report of the committee, which was post- 
poned in the forenoon. After spending the afternoon in dis- 
cussing the report of the committee the further considera- 
tion thereof was postponed. On motion, voted, that a com 
mittee of three persons be appointed to ascertain what ex- 
penses have been incurred in this convention, which it is 
necessary for them to defray, and to report the mode of dis- 
charging them. On motion, voted, that the first eight pa- 
ges of the report be recommitted to the cornmitte which re- 
ported it, to reconsider the same. On motion, voted, that 
the same committee report such documents and articles as 
they may think proper, to compose an appendix to the re- 
port. 

" On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned 
till Monday morning at 10 o'clock, to meet at this place. 
Monday, January 2, 1815. 

"The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 



60 political landmarks; 

convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Chase. 
The convention resumed the consideration of the repom of 
the committee which was postponed from Saturday. After 
spending, the forenoon in discussing the report, the farther 
consideration thereof was postponed. On motion, voted, 
that this convention be adjourned till half-past two o'clock 
this afternoon, then to meet at this place. 

" Half past two o'clock, P 31. — The convention met 
pursuant to adjournment. The convention resumed the 
consideration of the report of the committee, which was 
postponed in the forenoon. After spending the afternoon 
in discussing the report of the committee, the further con- 
sideration tlfereof. was postponed. On motion, voted, that 
this convention be adjourned till to-morrrow mo^iingpinne 
-o'clock, then to meet at this place. 

" Tuesday, January 3, 1815. 

" The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
convention was opened with praper by the Rev Dr. Per- 
kins. The convention resumed the consideration of the 
report of the committee, which was postponed yesterday. 
After spending the forenoon in discussing the report of the 
committee, the same was posptoned till afternoon. On mo- 
ion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till three 
o'clock this afternoon, then to meet at this place. 

" Three o'clock P. M. — The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. The convention resumed the consideration 
of the report of the committee, which was postponed in the 
forenoon. After discussing and amending the report of 
the commitee, voted, that the same be accepted and ap- 
proved. On motion, resolved, that the injunction of secre- 
sy, in regard to all the debates and proceedings of this 
convention, except in so far as relates to the report finally 
adopted, be, and hereby is continued. On motion, voted, 
that a committee of three persons be appointed to consider 
and report what measures it will be expedient to recommend 
to the states, for their mutual defence. Mr. Prescott, Mr. 
Wilde, and Mr. Manton, were appointed on that committee. 



OR- HISTORY OF PARTIES. 61 

" On motion, voted, that Mr. Sherman be added to the 
committee for superintending the printing of the report 
On motion, voted, that this convention be adjourned till to- 
morrow morning, ten o'clock, then to meet in this place. 
Wednesday, January 4, 1815. 

"The convention met pursuant to adjournment. The 
convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr, Chase. 
On motion, voted, that certain documents before the con= 
vention be published, with the following title : ' Statements 
prepared and published, by order of the convention of dele- 
gates, held at Hartford, December 15, 1814, and printed by 
their order. 

" On motion, voted, that Mr. Goodrich be discharged 
from any further services on the committee to superintend 
theprinting of the report, &c. On motion, voted that an- 
other member be added to that committee. Mr. Otis was 
appointed to that place. The committee appointed to re- 
port what measures it will be expedient to recommend to 
the states, for their mutual defence, presented a report, 
which was read. On motion, voted, that the said report be 
accepted and approved. On motion, voted, that this con- 
vention be adjourned till three o'clock this afternoon, then 
to meet at this place. 

4< Three o'clock P. M.— The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. On motion, voted, that two copies of the 
report of the convention, subscribed by all the members 
who shall be disposed to sign the same, be forwarded to 
each of the governors of the states of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, Rhode-Island, New-Hampshire, and Vermont . 
one of which to be for the private use of the said governors, 
and with a request that the other, at some proper time, may 
be laid before the legislatures of the states aforesaid. 

'• Mr. Goodrich submitted the following resolution to the 
convention : Resolved, That the thanks of the convention 
be presented to the Hon. George Cabot, in testimony of the 
respectful sense they entertain of his conduct while presid- 
ing over their deliberations, 



62 political landmarks; 

" On the question being put by the secretary, it passed 
in the affirmative unanimously. On motion, voted, that the 
convention be adjourned till seven o'clock this evening, 
then to meet at this place. 

" Seven o'clock P. M. — The convention met pursuant to 
adjournment. On, motion, voted, that the report as amend- 
ed, and the resolves accompanying the same, be accepted 
and approved. On motion, voted, that the delegates from 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, take two 
copies of the report of the convention, and deliver the same 
to the governors of those states, agreeably to the vote of the 
convention passed this day, and that the president be re- 
quested to transmit two copies of the report to the governors 
of the states of New-Hampshire and Vermont, together with 
a copy of the vote of the Convention aforesaid. 

" On motion, voted, that at the close of the convention, 
the journal be committed to the care of the president. On 
motion, voted, that the convention be adjourned till to-mor- 
row morning, nine o'clock, then to meet at this place. 

Thursday, January 5, 1815 — 9 o'clock A. M. 

" The convention met pursuant to adjournment — after 
solemn prayer, by the Rev. Dr. Strong, on motion, voted, 
that this convention be adjourned without day. 

" Attest, Theodore Dwight, Secretary." 

It will be borne in mind that the convention was adjourn- 
ed for future action, without the accomplishment of any 
thing save sending forth a report, which we proceed to pub- 
lish, it being closely interwoven with the history of parties. 
The author of the work from which we extract, was a " fed- 
eralist" and secretary of the convention, and the object of 
the work appears to be to satisfy the world that the designs 
of those comprising that convention were not so revolution- 
ary or disgraceful as common reports ascribed to them. 

Soon after the adjournment of the convention tne news 
of peace arrived, which put a quietus upon their revolution- 
ary movements. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 63 

SECRET JOURNAL OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. 

REPORT. 

' The delegate* from the legislature s of the states of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island, and from the counties of Grafton and 
Cheshire, in the state of New-Hampshire and the county of Windham 
in the state of Vermont, assembled in convention, beg leave to report 
the following result of their conference : 

» 

" The convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the 
arduous nature of the commission which they were appoint- 
ed to execute, of devising the means of defence against 
dangers, and of relief from oppressions proceeding from 
the acts of their own government, without violating consti- 
tutional principles, or disappointing the hopes of a suffer- 
ing and injured people. To prescribe patience and firm- 
ness to those who are already exhausted by distress, is some- 
times to drive them to despair, and the progress towards 
reform by the regular road, is irksome to those whose im- 
aginations discern, and whose feelings prompt, to a shorter 
course. But when abuses, reduced to system, and accu- 
mulated through a course of years, have pervaded every 
department of government, and spread corruption through 
every region of the state ; when these are clothed with the 
forms of law, and enforced by an executive whose will is 
their source, no summary means of relief can be applied 
without resource to direct and open resistance. This ex- 
periment, when justifiable, cannot fail to be painful to the 
good citizen ; and the success of the effort will be no secu- 
rity against the danger of the example. Precedents of re- 
sistance to the w r orst administration, are eagerly seized by 
those who are naturally hostile to the best. Necessity alone 
can sanction a resort to this measure ; and it should never 
be extended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, 
until the people, not merely in the fervor of sudden excite- 
ment, but after full deliberation, are determined to change 
the constitution. 



64 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

" It is a truth not to be concealed, that a sentiment pre- 
vails to no inconsiderable extent, that administration have 
given such constructions to that instrument, and practised 
so many abuses under color of its authority, that the time 
for a change is at hand. Those who so believe, regard the 
evils which surround them as intrinsic and incurable defects 
in the constitution. They yield to a persuasion, that no 
change, at any time, or on any occasion, can aggravate the 
misery of their country. This opinion may ultimately prove 
to be correct. But as the evidence on which it rests i3 
not yet conclusive, and as measures adopted upon the as- 
sumption of its certainty might be irrevocable, some gene- 
ral considerations are submitted, in the hope of reconciling 
all to a course of moderation and firmness, which may save 
them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, probably 
avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in 
the last resort. 

" The constitution ofthe United States, under the auspices 
of a wise and virtuous administration, proved itself compe- 
tent to all the objects of national prosperity comprehended 
in the views of its framers. No parallel can be found in 
history, of a transition so rapid as that of the United States 
from the lowest depression to the highest felicity — from the 
condition of weak and disjointed republics, to that of a 
great, united, and prosperous nation. 

" Although this high state of public happiness has under- 
gone a miserable and afflicting reverse, through the preva- 
lence of a weak and profligate policy, yet the evils and afflic- 
tions which have thus been induced upon the country, are 
not peculiar to any form of government. The lust and ca- 
price of power, the corruption of patronage, the oppres- 
sion of the weaker interests of community by the stronger, 
heavy taxes, wasteful expenditures, and unjust and ruinous 
wars, are the natural offspring of bad administrations, in 
all ages and countries. It was indeed to be hoped, that the 
rulers of these states would not make such disastrous haste 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 65 

to involve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and 
rotten institutions. Yet all this have they done; and their 
conduct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But 
to attempt upon every abuse of power to change the consti- 
tution would be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. 

" Again the experiment of the powers of the constitution 
to regain its vigor, and of the people to recover from their 
delusions, has been hitherto made under the greatest possi- 
ble disadvantages arising from the state of the world. The 
fierce passions which have convulsed the nations of Europe, 
have passed the ocean, arid finding their way to the bosoms 
of our citizens, have afforded to administration the means 
of perverting public opinion, in respect to our foreign rela- 
tions, so as to acquire its aid in the indulgence of their an- 
imosities, and the increase of their adherents. Further, are- 
formation of public opinion, resulting from dear-bought ex- 
perience, in the southern Atlantic states, at least, is not to 
be despaired of. They will have felt, that the eastern states 
cannot be made exclusively the victims of a capricious and 
impassioned policy. They will have seen that the great and 
essential interests of the people are common to the south 
and to the east. They will realize the fatal errors of a sys- 
tem which seeks revenge for commercial injuries in the 
sacrifice of commerce, and aggravates by needless wars, to 
an immeasurable extent, the injuries it professes to redress. 
They may discard the influence of visionary theorists, and 
recognize the benefits of a practical policy. Indications of 
this desirable revolution of opinion, among our brethren in 
those states, are already manifested. While a hope remains 
of its ultimate completion, its progress should not be retard- 
ed or stopped, by exciting fears which must check these fa- 
vorable tendencies, and frustrate the efforts of the wisest 
and best men in those states, to accelerate this propitious 
change. 

* Finally, if the union be destined to dissolution, by rea- 
son of the multiplied abuses of bad administrations, it should, 
3* 



(55 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

if possible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate 
consent. Some new form of confederacy should be substi- 
tuted among those states which shall intend to maintain a 
federal relation to each other. Events may prove that the 
causes of our calamities are deep and permanent. They 
may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of 
prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or the 
confusion of the times ; but they may be traced to implaca- 
ble combinations of individuals, or of states, to monopolize 
power and office, and to trample without remorse upon the 
rights and interests of commercial sections of the Union. 
Whenever it shall appear that these causes are radical and 
permanent, a separation, by equitable arrangement, will be 
preferable to an alliance by constraint, among- nominal, 
friends, but real enemies, inflamed by mutual hatred and 
jealousy, and inviting by intestine divisions, contempt and 
aggression from abroad. But a severance of the union by 
one or more states, against the will of the rest, and especial- 
ly in a time of war, can be justified only by absolute neces- 
sity. These are among the principal objections <. gainst pre- 
cipitate measures tending to disunite the states, and when 
examined in connection with the farewell address of the 
Father of his country, they must, it is believed, be deemed 
conclusive. 

i( Under these impressions, the convention have proceed- 
ed to confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of pub- 
lic affairs, especially as affecting the interests of the people 
who have appointed them for this purpose, and they are 
naturally led to a consideration, in the first place, of the 
dangers and grievances which menace an immediate or 
speedy pressure, with a view of suggesting means of present 
relief; in the next place, of such as are of more remote and 
general description, in the hope of attaining future secu- 
rity. 

" Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension 
Which might be comprised under the former of these propo- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 67 

sitions, the attention of the convention has been occupied 
with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the author- 
ity exercised over the militia, by the executive and legisla- 
tive departments of the national government. Also, upon 
the destitution of the means of defence in which the east- 
ern states are left ; while at the same time they are doomed 
to heavy requisitions of men and money for national ob- 
jects. 

" The authority of the national government over the 
militia is derived from those clauses in the constitution 
which give power to Congress " to provide for calling forth 
the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insur- 
rections and repel invasions ;" — Also " to provide for or- 
ganizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for gov- 
erning such parts of them as may be employed in the 
service of the United States, reserving to the states respect- 
ively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of 
training the militia according to the discipline prescribed 
by Congress." Again, " the President shall be the com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, 
and of the militia of the several states, when called into the 
actual service of the United States/' In these specified 
cases only, has the national government any power over the 
militia ; and it follows conclusively, that for all general and 
ordinary purposes, this power belongs to the states respect- 
ively, and to them alone. It is not only with regret, but 
with astonishment, the convention perceive that under color 
of an authority conferred with such plain and precise limi- 
tations, a power is arrogated by the executive government, 
and in some instances sanctioned by the two houses of Con- 
gress, of control over the militia, which, if conceded, will 
render nugatory the rightful authority of the individual 
states over that class of men, and by placing at the disposal 
of the national government the lives and services of the 
great body of the people, endbled it at pleasure to destroy 
their liberties, and erect a military despotism on the ruins, 



68 political landmarks; 

"An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for 
the basis of these extravagant pretensions, of the consequen- 
ces to which they lead, and the unsurmountable objections ' 
to their admission, would transcend the limits of this report. 
A few general observations, with an exhibition of the char- 
acter of these pretensions, and a recommendation of a 
strenuous opposition to them, must not, however, be omit- 
ted. 

" It will not be contended that by the terms used in the 
constitutional compact, the power of the national govern- 
ment to call out the militia is other than a power expressly 
limited to three cases. One of these must exist, as a con- 
dition precedent to the exercise of that power. Unless the 
laws shall be opposed, or an insurrection shall exist, or an 
invasion shall be made, Congress, and of consequence the 
Presidentas their organ, has no more power over the militia 
than over jhe armies of a foreign nation. 

" But if the declaration of the President should be admit- 
ted to be an unerring test of the existence of these cases, 
this important power would depend, not upon the truth of 
the fact, but upon executive infallibility. And the limita- 
tion of the power would consequently be nothing more than 
merely nominal, as it might always be eluded. It follows, 
therefore, that the decision of the President in this particu- 
lar cannot be conclusive. It is as much the duty of the 
state authorities to watch over the#rights reserved, as of the 
United States to exercise the powers which are delegated. 

"The arrangement of the United States into military 
districts, with a small portion of the regular force, under an 
officer of high rank of the standing army, with a power to 
call for the militia, as circumstances in his judgment may 
require ; and to assume the command of them, is not war- 
ranted by the constitution or any law of the United States. 
It is not denied that Congress may delegate to the President 
of the United States the power to call forth the militia in 
the cases which are within their jurisdiction— but he has no 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 69 

authority to substitute military prefects throughout the 
Union, to use their own discretion in such instances. To 
station an officer of the army in a military district without 
troops corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking 
command of the militia that may be called into service, is a 
manifest evasion of that provision of the constitution which 
expressly reserves to the states the appointment of the offi- 
cers of the militia ; and the object of detaching such officer 
cannot well be concluded to be any other than that of super- 
seding the governor or other officers of the militia in their 
right to command. 

" The power of dividing the militia of the states into 
classes, and obliging such classes to furnish, by contract or 
draft, able-bodied men, to serve for one or more years for 
the defence of the frontier, is not delegated to Congress. 
If a claim to draft the militia for one year for such •gen- 
eral object be admissible, no limitation can be assigned to 
it, but the discretion of those who make the law. Thus, 
with a power in Congress to authorize such a draft or 
conscription, and in the executive to decide conclusively 
upon the existence and continuance of the emergency, the 
whole militia may be converted into a standing army dispo- 
sable at the will of the President of the United States. 

"The power of compelling the militia, and other citizens 
of the United States, by a forcible draft or conscription, to 
serve in the regular armies, as proposed in a late official 
letter of the secretaiy of war, is not delegated to Congress 
by the constitution, and the exercise of it would be not less 
dangerous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty 
of the states. The effort to deduce this power from the 
right of raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to pervert the 
sense of the clause in the constitution which confers that 
right, and is incompatible with other provisions in that in-' 
strument. The armies of the United States have always 
been raised by contract, never by conscription, and nothing 
more can be wanting to a government possessing the power 



70 political landmarks; 

thus claimed to enable it to usurp the entire control of the 
militia, in derogation of the authority of the state, and 
o convert it by impressment into a standing army. 

" It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative 
of the determination of the executive to establish an abso- 
lute control over all descriptions of citizens, that the right 
of impressing seamen into the naval service is expressly 
asserted by the secretary of the navy, in a late report. 
Thus a practice, which in a foreign government has been 
regarded with great abhorrence by the people, finds advo- 
cates among those who have been the loudest to con- 
demn it. 

" The law authorizing the enlistment of minors and ap- 
prentices into the armies of the United States, without the 
consent of parents and guardians is also repugnant to the 
spiri^of the constitution. By a construction of the power 
to raise armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only 
persons capable of contracting are liable to be impressed 
into the army, but those who are under legal disabilities to 
make contracts, are to be invested with the capacity, in or- 
der to enable them to annul at pleasure contracts made in 
their behalf by legal guardians. Such an interference with 
the municipal laws and rights of the several states, could 
never have been contemplated by the framers of the consti- 
tution. It impairs the salutary control and influence of the 
parent over his child— the master over his servant — the 
guardian over his ward — and thus destroys the most impor- 
tant relations in society, so that by the conscription of the 
father, and the seduction of the son, the power of the exec- 
. utive over >all the effective male population of the United 
States is made compi< 

" Such are some of fne odious features of the n.»\el sys- 
tem proposed by the rulers of a free country, under the 
limited powers derived from the coHtitution What por- 
tion of them will be embraced in acts finally to be passed, 
is yet impossible to determine. It is, however, sufficiently 



* OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 71 

alarming to perceive, that these projects emanate from the 
highest authority, nor should it tfe forgotten, that by the 
plan of the secretary of war, the classification of the militia 
embraced the principle of direct taxation upon the white 
population only ; and that, in the house of representatives, a 
motion to apportion the militia among the white population 
ezclusively, which would have been in its operation a direct 
tax was strenuously urged and supported. 

" In this whole series of devices and measures for raising 
men, this convention discern a total disregard for the con- 
stitution, and a disposition to violate its provisions, de= 
manding from the individual states firm and decided oppo= 
sition, An iron despotism can impose no harder servitude 
upon the citizen, than to force him from his home and his 
occupation, to wage offensive wars, undertaken to gratify 
the pride or passions of his master. The example of France 
has recently shown that a cabal of individuals assuming to 
act in the name of the people, may transform the great body 
of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them over into the 
hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhorrence 
by the people, can require the aid of such stratagems to 
recruit an army, Had the troops already raised, and in 
great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been 
employed for the defence of the country, and had the mil- 
lions which have been squandered with shameless profu^on, 
been appropriated to their payment, to the protection of the 
coast, and to the naval service, there would have been no 
occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this late 
hour, let government leave to New-England the remnant of 
her resources, and she is ready and able to defend her ter- 
ritory, and to resign the glories and advantages of the bor- 
der war to those who are determined to persist in its prose- 
cution, 

" That acts of congress in violation of the constitution 
are absolutely void, is an undeniable position, It does not, 
however, consist with the respect and forbearance due from 



72 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

a confederate state towards tlie general government, to fly to 
open resistance upon every infraction of the constitution. 
The mode and the energy of the opposition, should always 
conform to the nature of the violation, the intention of its 
authors, the extent of the injury inflicted, the determination 
manifested to persist in it, and the danger of delay. But 
in cases of deliberate, dangerous, and palable infractions of 
the constitution, affecting the sovereignty of the state, and 
liberties of the people; "it is not only the right but the duty 
of such a state to interpose its authority for their protection 
in the manner best calculated to secure that end. When 
emergencies occur which are either beyond the reach of the 
judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of the delay in- 
cident to their forms, states which have no common umpire, 
must be their own judges, and execute their own decisions. 
It will thus be proper for the several states to await the ul- 
timate disposal of the obnoxious measures recommended by 
the secretary of war, or pending before Congress, and so to 
use their power according to the character these measures 
shall finally assume, as effectually to protect their own so- 
vereignty, and the rights and liberties of their citizens. 

" The next subject which has occupied the attention of 
the convention, is the means of defence against the common 
enemy. This. naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any 
exrJfctation can be reasonably entertained, that adequate 
provision for the defence of the eastern states will be made 
by the national government ? Whether the several states 
can, from their own resources, provide for self-defence and 
fulfil the requisitions which are to be expected for the na- 
tional treasury? and, generally, what course of conduct 
ought to be adopted by^those states, in relation to the great 
object of defence. 

" Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes 
of the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially an- 
nounced, that to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, 
and to hold it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate pur- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 73 

pose of administration. This enterprise, commenced at a 
period when government possessed the advantage of select- 
ing the time and occasion for making a sudden descent 
upon an unprepared enemy, now languishes in the third 
year of the war. It has been prosecuted with various for- 
tune, and occasional brilliancy of exploit, but without any 
solid acquisition. The British armies have been recruited 
by veteran regiments. Their navy commands Ontario. The 
American ranks are thinned by the casualties of war. Re- 
cruits are discouraged by the unpopular character of the 
contest, and by the uncertainty of receiving their pay. 

" In the prosecution of this favorite warfare, administra- 
tion have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the coun- 
try destitute of all the efficient means of defence. The 
main body of the regular army has been marched to the 
frontier. The navy has been stripped of a great part of its 
sailors for the service of the lakes. Meanwhile the enemy 
scours the sea-coast, blockades our ports, ascends our bays 
and rivers, makes actual descents in various and distant 
places, holds some by force, and threatens all that are as- 
sailable with fire and sword. The sea-board of four of the 
New-England states, following its curvatures, presents an 
extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occu- 
pied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval 
force, exposing a mass of people and property to the de- 
vastation of the enemy, which bears a great proportion to 
the residue of the maritime frontier of the United" States. 
This extensive shore has been exposed to frequent attacks, 
repeated contributions, and constant alarms. The regular 
forces detached by the national government for its defence 
are mere pretexts for placing officers of high rank in com- 
mand. They are besides confined to a few places, and are 
too insignificant in number to be included in any compu- 
tation. 

" These states have thus been left to adopt measures for 
their own defence, The militia have been constantly kept 

4 



74 political landmarks; 

on the alert, and harrassed by garrison duties, and other 
hardships, while the expenses, of which the national govern- 
ment decline the re-imbursement, threaten to absorb all the 
resources of the states. The President of the United States 
has refused to consider the expense of the militia detached 
by state authority, for the indispensable defence of the state, 
as chargeable to the Union, on the ground of a refusal by 
the Executive of the state to place them under the command 
of officers of the regular army. Detachments of militia 
placed at the disposal of the general government, have been 
dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper. 
The pro'spect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened by 
the promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From 
authentic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose 
inclination might lead them to conceal the embarrassments 
of the government, it is apparent that the treasury is bank- 
rupt, and its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of 
the finances, that those who feel for the honor and safety 
of the country, would be willing to conceal the melancholy 
spectacle, if those whose infatuation has produced this state 
of fiscal concerns had not found themselves compelled to 
unveil it to public view. 

" If the war be continued, there appears no room for re- 
liance upon the national government for the supply of those 
means of defence which must become indispensable to se- 
cure these states from desolation and rain. Nor is it pos- 
sible that the states can discharge this sacred duty from 
their own resources, and continue to sustain the burden of 
the national taxes. The administration, after a long perse- 
verance in plans to baffle every effort of commercial enter- 
prize, had fatally succeeded in their attempt at the epoch 
of the war. Commerce, the vital spring of New-England's 
prosperity was annihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and 
the rapacity of revenue officers, had completed its destruc- 
tion. The various objects for the employment of productive 
labor in the branches of business dependent on commerce, 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 75 

have disappeared. The fisheries have shared its fate. Ma- 
nufactures, which government has professed an intention to 
favor and cherish, as an indemnity for the failure of these 
branches of business, are doomed to struggle in their in- 
fancy with taxes and obstructions, which cannot fail most 
seriously to affect their growth. The specie is withdrawn 
from circulation. The landed interest, the last to feel these 
burdens, must prepare to become their principal support, as 
all other sources of revenue must be exhausted. Under 
these circumstances, taxes, of a description and amount un- 
precedented in this country, are in a train of imposition, the 
burden of which must fall with the heaviest pressure upon 
the states east of the Potomac. The amount of these taxes 
for the ensuing year cannot be estimated at less than five 
millions of dollars upon the New-England states, and the 
expenses of the last year for defence, in Massachusetts 
alone, approaches to one million of dollars. 

"From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the 
irresistibre inference that these states have no capacity of 
defraying the expense requisite for their own protection, 
and, at the same time, of discharging the demands of the 
national treasury. * 

" The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be 
adopted by the aggrieved states, is in a great degree mo- 
mentous. When a great and brave people shall feel them- 
selves deserted by their government, and reduced to the 
necessity either of submission to a foreign enemy, or of ap- 
propriating to their own use those means of defence which 
are indispensable to self-preservation, they cannot consent 
to wait passive spectators of approaching ruin, which it is 
in their power to avert, and to resign the last remnant of 
their industrious earnings to be dissipated in support of 
measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. 

" The convention will not trust themselves to express 
their conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state of 
things inevitably tends, Conscious of their high respon- 



76 political landmarks; 

sibility to God and their country, solicitous for the conti- 
nuance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the 
states, unwilling to furnish obstacles to peace — resolute 
never to submit to a foreign enemy, and confiding in the 
Divine care and protection, they will, until the last hope 
shall be extinguished, endeavor to avert such consequences. 

" With this view they suggest an arrangement, which 
may be at once consistent with the honor and interest of 
the national government, and the security of these states. 
This it will not be difficult to conclude, if that government 
should be so disposed. By the terms of it these states might 
be allowed to assume their own defence, by the militia or 
other troops. A reasonable portion, also, of the taxes 
raised in each state might be paid into its treasury, and 
credited to the United States, hut to be appropriated to the 
defence of such state, to be accounted forwith the United 
States. No doubt is entertained that by such an arrange- 
ment, this portion of the country could be defended with 
greater effect, and in a mode more consistent with economy, 
and the public convenience, than any which has been prac- 
tised, 

" Should an application for these purposes, made to Con- 
gress by the state legislatures, be attended with success, and 
should peace upon just terms appear to be unattainable, 
the people would stand together for the common defence, 
until a change of administration, or of disposition in the 
enemy, should facilitate the occurrence of that auspicious 
event. It would be inexpedient for this Convention to di- 
minish the hope of a successful issue to such an ap- 
plication, by recommending, upon supposition of a contrary 
event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their 
province. In a state of things so solemn and trying as may 
then arise, the legislatures of the states, or conventions of 
the whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the 
express purpose in another Convention, must act as such 
urgent circumstances may then require. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 77 

" But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not 
have been performed, without exhibiting some general view 
of such measures as they deem essential to secure the na- 
tion against a relapse into difficulties and dangers, should 
they, by the blessing of Providence, escape from their pre- 
sent condition, without absolute ruin. To this end a con- 
cise retrospect of the state of this nation under the advan- 
tages of a wise administration, contrasted with the miserable 
abyss into which it is plunged by the profligacy and folly 
of political theorists, will lead to some practical conclusions. 
On this subject, it will be recollected, that the immediate 
influence of the Federal Constitution upon its first adoption, 
and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and 
happiness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in 
the transcendency of its perfection over all other human 
institutions. In the catalogue of blessings which have fallen 
to the lot of the most favored nations, none could be enu- 
merated from which our country was excluded — a free Con- 
stitution, administered by great and incorruptible states- 
men, realized the fondest hopes of liberty and independence. 
The progress of agriculture was stimulated by the certainty 
of value in the harvest — and commerce, after traversing 
every sea, returned with the riches of every clime. A re- 
venue, secured by a sense of honor, collected without op- 
pression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the na- 
tional debt; and the chief concern of the public creditor 
arose from its too rapid diminution. The wars and com- 
motions of the European nations, and their interruptions 
of the commercial intercourse afforded to those who had 
not promoted, but who would have rejoiced to alleviate their 
calamities, a fair and golden opportunity, by combining 
themselves to lay a broad foundation for national wealth. 
Although occasional vexations to commerce arose from the 
furious collisions of the powers at war, yet the great and 
good men of that time conformed to the force of circum- 
stances which they could not control, and preserved their 



78 political landmarks; 

country in security from the tempests which overwhelmed 
the old world, and threw the wreck of their fortunes on these 
shores. Respect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws 
made by honored legislators, and prompt obedience yielded 
by a contented people, had silenced the enemies of repub- 
lican institutions. The arts flourished — the sciences were 
cultivated — the comforts and conveniences of life were uni- 
versally diffused — and nothing remained for succeeding ad- 
ministrations but to reap the advantages and cherish the 
resources flowing from the policy of their predecessors. 

"But no sooner was a new administration established in 
the hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy, 
than a fixed determination was perceived and avowed of 
changing a system which had already produced these substan- 
tial fruits. The consequence of this change, for a few years 
after its commencement, were not sufficient to counteract 
the prodigious impulse towards prosperity, which have been 
given to the nation. But a steady perseverance in the new 
plans of administration, at length developed their weakness 
and deformity, but not until a majority of the people had 
been deceived by flattery, and inflamed by passion, into 
blindness to their defects. Under the withering influence 
of this new system, the declension of the nation has been 
uniform and rapid. The richest advantages for securing the 
great objects of the constitution have been wantonly reject- 
ed. While Europe reposes from the convulsions that had 
shaken down her ancient institutions, ,she beholds with 
amazement this remote country, once so happy and so en- 
vied, involved in a ruinous war, and excluded from inter- 
course with the rest of the world. 

"To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal 
reverse has been effected, would require a voluminous dis- 
cussion. Nothing more can be attempted in this report than 
a general allusion to the principal outlines of the policy which 
has produced this vicissitude. Among these may be eru- 
merated — 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 79 

" First. — A deliberate and extensive system for effecting 
a combination among certain states, by exciting local jea- 
lousies and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in 
one section of the Union, the control of public affairs, in per- 
petual succession. To which primary objects most other 
characteristics of the system may be reconciled. 

" Secondly. — The political intolerance displayed and a- 
vowed in excluding from office men of unexceptionable 
merit, for want of adherence to the executive creed. 

" Thirdly. — The infraction of the judiciary authority and 
rights, by depriving judges of their offices in violation of the 
constitution. 

" Fourthly. — The abolition of existing taxes, requisite 
to prepare the country # for those changes to which nations 
are always exposed, with a view to the acquisition of popu- 
lar favor. 

" Fifthly. — The influence of patronage in the distribu- 
tion of offices, which in these states has been almost invari- 
ably made among men the least entitled to such distinction, 
and who have sold themselves as ready instruments for dis- 
tracting public opinion, and encouraging administration to 
hold in contempt the wishes and remonstrances of a people 
thus apparently divided. 

" Sixthly. — The admission of new states into the Union 
formed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the 
balance of power which existed among the original States, 
and deeply affected their interest. 

" Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized for- 
eigners, to places of trust, honor or profit, operating as an 
inducement to the malcontent subjects of the old world to 
come to these States, in quest of executive patronage, and to 
repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures. 

" Eightly. — Hostility to Great Britain, and partiality to 
the late government of France, adopted as coincident "With 
popular prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party 
power. Connected with these must be ranked erroneous 
and distorted estimates of the power and resources of those 



80 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

nations, of the probabal results of their controversies, and of 
our political relations to them respectively. 

" Lastly and Principally. — A visionary and superficial 
theory in regard to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred 
but a feigned regard to its interests, and a ruinous perse 
verance in efforts to render it an instrument of coercion and 
war. 

." But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any ad- 
ministration could, in so short a period, have so nearly con- 
summated the work of national ruin, unless favored by defect- 
in the constitution. 

" To enumerate all the improvements of which that in- 
strument (the Constitution) is susceptible, and to propos- 
such amendments as might render it in all respects perfect- 
would be a task which this convention has not thought prop- 
er to assume. They have confined their attention to such 
as experience has demonstrated to be essential, and even 
among these, some are considered entitled to a more serious 
attention than others. They are suggested without any in- 
tentional disrespect to other states and are meant to be such 
as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their object is to 
strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the union of the 
states, by removing the grounds of existing jealousies, and 
providing for a fair and equal representation, and a limita- 
tion of powers, which have been misused. 

" The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportion- 
ment of representatives among the slaveholding states. The 
cannot be claimed as a right. Those states are entitled to 
the slave representation by a constitutional compact. It is 
herefore merely a subject of agreement, which should be- 
conducted upon principles of mutual interest and accommo- 
dation, and upon which no sensibility on either side should 
be permitted to exist. It has proved unjust and unequal in 
its operation. Had this effect been foreseen, the privilege 
would probably not have been demanded ; certainly not con- 
ceded. Its tendency in future will be adverse to that harmo- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 81 

ny and mutual confidence which are more conducive to the 
happiness and prosperity of every confederated state, than 
a mere preponderance of power, the prolific source of jeal- 
ousies and controversy, can be to any one of them. The time 
may therefore arrive, when a sense of magnanimity and jus- 
tice will reconcile those states to acquiesce in a revision of 
this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result to 
them in the apportionment of taxes. 

"The next amendment relates to the admission of new 
states into the Union. 

" This amendment is deemed to be highly important, and 
in fact, indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to 
recognize the right of congress to admit new states without 
the original limits of the United States, nor is any idea en- 
tertained of disturbing the tranquility of any state already 
admitted into the Union. 9 The. object is merely to restrain 
the constitutional power of congress in admitting new states. 
At the adoption of the constitution, a certain balance of 
power among the original parties was considered to exist, 
and there was at that time, and yet is among those parties, 
a strong affinity between their great and general interests. 
By the admission of these states that balance has been ma- 
terially affected, and unless the practice be modified, must 
ultimately be destroyed. The southern states will first 
avail themselves of their new confederates to govern the 
east, and finally the western states, multiplied in number, 
and augmented in population, will control the interests of 
the whole. Thus for the sake of present power, the south- 
ern states will be common sufferers with the eas't, in the 
loss of permanent advantages. None of the old states can 
find an interest in Creating prematurely an overwhelming 
western influence, which may hereafter discern (as it has 
heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and 
commercial restrictions. 

f The next amendments proposed by the convention, 
relate to the powers of Congress, in relation to embargo and ^ 
the interdiction of commerce. 



§2 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

" Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce have 
hitherto divided the opinions of statesmen, experience has 
at last shown that it is a vital interest in the United States, 
and that its success is essential to the encouragement of 
agriculture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances, 
defence, and liberty or the nation. Its welfare can never 
interfere with the other great interests of the state, but 
must promote and uphold them. Still those who are 
immediately concerned in the pros*ution of commerce, 
will of necessity be always a minority of the nation. They 
are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its course 
by the advantages of experience, and the sense of interest. 
Rut they are entirely unable to protect themselves against 
the sudden and injudicious decisions of bare majorities, and 
the mistaken or oppressive projects of those who are not 
actively concerned in its per suit* Of consequence, this 
interest is always exposed to be harrassed, interrupted, and 
entirely destroyed, upon pretence of securing other inter- 
ests. Had the merchants of this nation been permitted by 
their own government to pursue an innocent and lawful 
commerce, how different would have been the state of the 
treasury and of public credit ! How short-sighted and mis- 
erable is the policy which has annihilated this order of 
men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, their cap- 
ital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be aliena- 
ted from the government which was formed to protect them ! 
What security for an ample and unfailing revenue can ever 
be had, comparable to that which once was rea/ized in the 
good faith, punctuality and sense of honor, which attached 
the mercantile class to the interests of the government ! 
Without commerce, where can be found the aliment lor a 
navy ; and without a navy, what is to constitute the defence, 
and ornament, and glory of this nation ! No union can be 
durably cemented, in which every great interest does not 
find itself reasonably secured against the encroachment and 
combinations of other interests. When, therefore, the past 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 83 

system of embargoes and commercial restrictions shall have 
been reviewed — when the fluctuation and inconsistency of 
public measures, betraying a want of information as well as 
feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the rea- 
sonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare 
majority to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be 
obvious. 

" The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of 
making offensive war. In the consideration of this amend- 
ment, it is not necessary to inquire into the justice of the 
present war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to 
its expediency, and regret for its delaration is nearly univer- 
sal. No indemnity can ever be attained for this terrible ca- 
lamity, and its only palliation must be found in obstacles to 
its future recurrence. Rarely can the state of this country 
call for or justify offensive war. The genius of our institu- 
tions is unfavorable to its successful prosecution ; the felici- 
ty of our situation exempts us from its necessity. In this 
case, as in the former, those more immediately exposed to 
its fatal effects, are a minority of the nation. The commer- 
cial towns, the shores of our seas and rivers, contain the 
population whose vital interests 'are most vulnerable by a for- 
eign enemy. Agriculture, indeed, must feel at last, but this 
appeal to its sensibility comes too late. Again, the immense 
population which has swarmed into the west, remote from 
immediate danger, and which is constantly augmenting, will 
not be averse from the occasional disturbances of the^ At- 
lantic states. Thus interest may not unfrequently combine 
with passion and intrigue, to plunge the nation into need- 
less wars, and compel it to become a military, rather than a 
happy and flourishing people. These considerations, which 
it would be easy to augment, call loudly for the limitation 
proposed in the amendment. 

" Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but 
still in a high degree expedient, relates to the exclusion of 



g4 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

foreigners hereafter arriving in the United States from the 
capacity of holding offices of trus^t, honor, or profit. 

* That the stock of population already in these states is 
amply sufficient to render this nation in due time sufficiently 
great and powerful, is not a controvertible question. Nor 
will it be seriously pretended, that the national deficiency 
wisdom, arts, science, arms, or virtue, needs to be reple- 
nished from foreign countries. Still, it is agreed, that a lib- 
eral policy should offer the rights of hospitality, and the 
choice of settlement, to those who are disposed to visit the 
country. But why admit to a participation in the govern- 
ment, aliens who where no parties to the compact— who are 
ignorant of the nature of our institutions, and have no stake 
in the welfare of the country but what is recent and transi- 
tory 1 It is surely a privilege sufficient, to admit them after 
due probation to become citizens, for all but political pur- 
poses. To extend it beyond these limits, is to encourage 
foreigners to come, to these states as oandidates for prefer- 
ment. The Convention forbear to express their opinion up- 
on the inauspicious effects which have already resulted to 
the honor and peace of this nation, from this misplaced and 
indiscriminate liberality. 

.. " The last amendment respects the limitation of office of 
President to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility 
from the same state two terms in succession. 

" Upon this topic it is superfluous to dilate. The love of 
power is a principle in the human heart which too often im- 
pels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its dura- 
tion. The office of President has charms and attractions 
which operate as powerful incentives to this passion. The 
first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is direc- 
ted towards the security of a new election. The interest of 
the country, the welfare of the people, even honest fame and 
respect for the opinion of posterity, are secondary conside- 
rations. All the engines of intrigue, all the means of cor- 
ruption are likely to be employed for this object. A Presi- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 85 

dent whose political career is limited to a single election, 
may find no other interest than will be prompted to make it 
glorious to himself, and beneficial to his country. But the 
hope of re-election is prolific of temptations, under which 
these magnanimous motives are deprived of their principal 
force. The repeated election of the President of the United 
States from any one state, affords inducements and means 
for intrigues, which tend to create an undue local influence, 
and to establish the domination of particular states. The 
justice, therefore, of securing to every state a fair and equal 
chance foi the election of this officer from its own citizens 
is apparent, and this object will be essentially promoted by 
preventing an election from the same state twice in suc- 
cession. 

" Such is the general view which this Convention has 
thought proper to submit, of the situation of these states, of 
their dangers and their duties. Most of the subjects which 
it embraces have separately received an ample and luminous 
investigation, by the great and able assertors of the rights 
of their country, in the national legislature ; and nothing 
more could be attempted on this occasion than a digest of 
general principles, and of recommendations suited to the 
present state of public affairs. The peculiar difficulty and 
delicacy of performing even this undertaking, will be ap- 
preciated by all who think seriously upon the crisis. Ne- 
gotiations for peace are at this hour supposed to be pending, 
the issue of which must be deeply interesting to all. No 
measures should be adopted which might unfavorably affect 
that issue ; none which should embarrass the administration, 
if their professed desire for peace is sincere ; and none 
which on supposition of their insincerity, should afford them 
pretexts for prolonging the war, or relieving themselves 
from the responsibility of a dishonorable peace. It is also 
devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded to 
all friends of the country, of all parties, and in all places, 
to pause and consider the awful state to which pernicious 



86 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

councils and blind passions have brought this people. The 
number of those who preceive, and who are ready to retrace 
errors, must it is believed, be yet sufficient to redeem the 
nation. It is necessary to rally and unite them by the as- 
surance that no hostility to the Constitution is meditated, 
and to Obtain their aid in placing it under guardians who 
alone can save it from destruction. Should this fortunate 
change be effected, the hope of happiness and honor may 
once more dispel the surrounding gloom. — Our nation may 
yet be great, our union durable. But should this prospect 
be utterly hopeless, the time will not have been lost which 
shall have ripened a general sentiment of the necessity of 
more mighty efforts to rescue from ruin, at least some por- 
tion of our beloved country. 

" Therefore resolved, 

" That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures 
of the several states represented in this Convention, to adopt 
all such measures as may be necessary effectually to protect 
the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of 
all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress 
of the United States, which shall contain provisions, sub- 
jecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, con- 
scriptions, or impressments, not authorised by the constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the 
said legislatures, to authorize an immediate and earnest ap- 
plication to be made to the government of the United States, 
requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the 
said states may, separately or in concert, be empowered to 
assume upon themselves the defence of their territory against 
the enemy; and a reasonable portion of the taxes collected 
within the said states, may be paid into the respective treas- 
uries thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the bal- 
ance due said states, and the future defence of the same . 
The amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 87 

and the disbursements made as aforesaid, to be charged to 
the United States. 

"Resolved, That it be, and hereby is, recommended to 
the legislatures of the aforesaid states to pass laws (where it 
has not already been done) authorizing the governors or 
commanders-in-chief of their militia to make detachments 
from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most 
convenient and comformable to tneir constitutions, and to 
cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and disciplined, 
and held in readiness for service ; and upon the request of 
the governor of either of the other states to employ the 
whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular 
forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be required 
and can be spared consistently with the safety of the state, 
in assisting the state, making such requests to repel any in- 
vasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the pub- 
lic enemy. 

" Resolved, That the following amendments of the con- 
stitution of the United States be recommended to the states 
represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adop- 
tion by the state legislatures, and in such cases as may be 
deemed expedient by a convention chosen by the people of 
each state. 

" And it is further recommended, that the said states shall 
persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments, until 
the same shall be effected. 

" First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor- 
tioned among the several states which may be included with- 
in this Union, according to their respective numbers of free 
persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, 
and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other persons. 

"Second. No new state shall be admitted into the Union 
by congress, in virtue of the power granted by the consti- 
tution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. 

" Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any em- 
bargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United 



88 political landmarks; 

States, in the ports or harbors thereof for more than sixty 
days. 

" Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the 
concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the 
commercial intercourse between the United States and any 
foreign nation, or the dependencies thereof. 

" Fifth. Congress shaji not make or declare war, or au- 
thorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without 
the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such 
acts of hostility be in defence of the territories of the Uni- 
ted States when actually invaded. 

" Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, 
shall be eligible as a member of the senate or house of rep- 
resentatives of the United States, nor capable of holding any 
civil office under the authority of the United States. 

" Seventh. The same person shall not be elected president 
of the United States a second time ; nor shall the president 
be elected from the same state two terms in succession. 

''Resolved, That if the application of these states to the 
government of the United States, recommended in a fore- 
going resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should 
not be concluded, and the defence of these states should be 

e 

neglected, as it has been since the commencement of the 
war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient 
for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates 
to another convention, to meet at Boston, in the state of 
Massachusetts, on the third Thursday of June next, with 
such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisi- so 
momentous may require. 

"Resolved, That the lion. George Cabot, the Hon. 
Chauncy Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any i wo 
of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this con- 
vention, to be holden in Boston, at any time before new del- 
egates shall be chosen, as recommended in the above reso*« 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 89 

lution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall 
urgently require it. 

GEORGE CABOT, SAMUEL SUMJNER WILDE 7 

JNATHAN DANE. . JOSEPH LYMAN, 

WILLIAM PRESCOTT, STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jr., 

HARRISON GRAY OTIS, DANIEL WALDO, 

TIMOTHY B1GELOW, HOD1JAH BAYLIES, 

JOSHUA THOMAS, GEORGE BLISS, 

Massachusetts. 
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, NATHANIEL SMITH, 

JOHN TREADWELL, CALVIN GODDARD, 

JAMES HILLHOUSE, ROGER MINOT SHERMAN, 

ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, Connecticut. 

DAJNIEL LYMAN, EDWARD MANTON, 

SAMUEL WARD, BENJAMIN HAZARD, 

Rhode-Island. 
- BENJAMIN WEST, MILLS OLCOTT, 

New - Hampshire. 



WILLIAM HALL, Jr. 



Vermont. 



Election of James Monroe, as President of the United States, to succeed 
James Madison, which election took place in the fall o/I8l6. 

The war question terminating so happily under the 
democratic administration of James Madison,- while his 
efforts were combatted by the Federalists, .from the 
commencement to the termination of the agitation of the 
war question, the people became convinced that the policy 
had been a judicious one, and they felt disposed to continue 
in power the adherents to the then administration, Such 
was the unanimity of sentiment upon the subject, that in 
1816 the only competitor of James Monroe, the democratic 
candidate, was Rufus King, who received only 34 electoral 
votes while 183 were cast for Mr. Monroe, as follows : 

Monroe. King, 

New-Hampshire, - - - 8 

Vermont, - 8 

Massachusetts, - 22 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, - 9 

4* 



90 political landmarks; 

Monroe. King. 

New-York, - 29 

New-Jersey, - - - - 8 

Pennsylvania, - 25 
Delaware, "/"."" ** 
Maryland. - 

Virginia, 25 

North-Carolina, - - - 15 

South-Carolina, - - - 11 

Georgia, - -8 

Tennessee, - - - - 8 

Kentucky, - - - - 12 

Ohio, 8 

Illinois, 3 

Louisiana, - 3 

183 34 

The Federalists placed no one in nomination, or rather 
run no candidate for Vice President, while the democracy 
supported and elected Daniel D. Tompkins of New York. 

Mr. Monroe, immediately after his inauguration, turned 
his attention to the defence of the frontier, and to acquire a 
through knowledge of the wants, requirements and neces- 
sities of the government and people, he left the city of 
Washington on the 31st of May, 1817, upon an excursion 
of personal observation, and passing through the principal 
towns in the New England states, he extended his journey 
west, and visited the various important points along the 
St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, and thence up the 
Niagara to Buffalo, where he embarked by sail vessel, 
visiting the various points upon Lake Erie, and landed at 
Detroit. From thence he passed through the territory of 
Michigan, and on his return visited all important points in 
Ohio, Pennsylvania and Maryland. The effort was pro- 
ductive of much good, and we believe it is the only case on 
record where a president of the United States has entered ' 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 91 

into a thorough personal examination of the wants and neces- 
sities of the government and the people. 

In 1816 the policy was adopted of paying members of 
Congress 88 a day and $8 for every twenty miles' travel, in 
lieu of a permanent salary of fifteen hundred dollars. An 
act was also passed granting pensions to soldiers. 

Nothing of any great importance transpired after this un- 
til the next Presidential election. Such was the confidence 
of the masses in Mr. Monroe's administration that in 1820 
he was re-elected President, there being but one electoral 
vote against him. Daniel D. Tompkins was re-elected Vice- 
President, there being only 14 votes against him. 

Mr. John W. Taylor, of New-York, was elected Speaker, 
upon the declination of Mr. Clay, after a constant succes- 
sion of ballotings for three days. Mr. Taylor was of that 
section of Republicans of the state of New-York, who sup- 
ported De Witt Clinton, then governor of the state. He 
was decidedly favorable to a tariff for protection to domes- 
tic manufactures, and opposed to the extension of slavery in 
Missouri. The election of a speaker with these views, was 
of course the cause of some excitement and dissatisfaction, 
at a time when questions. of great interest were to be deter- 
mined by the action of Congress, which for a time seemed 
even to threaten a dissolution of the Union. The mild, im- 
partial and conciliatory course of the new speaker, however, 
tended to allay much of the feeling at first excited, at the 
same time that the respect of the members was elicited to- 
ward himself. 

The most important question agitated in Congress at this 
session, was the admission of Missouri into the Union. The 
constitution framed by the people of that state was com- 
municated to Congress in the early part of the session, and 
referred to a committee who through Mr. Lowndes, made 
an able report on the subject, declaring the constitution of 
the state republican, and concluding with a resolution that 
Missouri be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with 
the original states, in all respects whatever, Mr. Lowdnes 



92 political landmarks; 

in moving to refer the resolution to a committee of the 
whole, stated that the report was the act of a majority of 
the committee, and not of every individual of the committee. 
The debate on the subject cotinued a week, and the dis- 
cussion was managed with great ability and good temper. 
It was decided by a majority of fourteen, in the house, that 
Missouri could not be admitted into the Union with the con- 
stitution as presented. Those who voted against the ad- 
mission, did so on the ground - that the constitution of the 
state permitted slavery, and that there were other objectiona- 
ble features in that instrument, particularly in relation to free 
persons of color. The members from the slave states voted 
unanimously for the admission of Missouri, while those from 
the northern and middle states, with few exceptions, voted 
against it. 

Matters were in this situation, when the Missouri question 
again presented itself, on the fourteenth of February, 1821, 
the day appointed by law for opening and counting the votes 
for president and vice-president. Missouri having chosen 
presidential electors, and transmitted her votes for president 
and vice-president to Congress, a resolution passed the 
senate directing that in case any objection should be made 
to counting the votes from Missouri, the president of the 
senate should declare that, if the votes of Missouri were 
counted, the number of votes for A. B. for president would 
be so many, and if the votes of Missouri were not counted, 
the number would be so many, and that in either case A. B. 
is elected. The same course to be pursued in relation to 
vice-president. This resolution was taken* up in the house 
on the morning of the day when the votes were to be count- 
ed. Mr. Clay having by this time taken his seat as a mem- 
ber, warmly supported the resolution as the only mode of 
avoiding the dificulty. It was also generally supported by the 
members in favor of restricting Missouri as to slavery, but 
opposed by most of those from the slave states. It was 
finally agreed to on the part of the house, sometime after 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 93 

the hour appointed for the meeting of the two houses to 
count the votes. Considerable delay and confusion took 
place while the votes were being counted, and some of the 
southern members, particularly John Randolph, of Virginia, 
made an effort to compel the house to declare that Missouri 
was a state of the Union. The course recommended by the 
joint resolution was finally adopted, and the president of the 
senate declared James Monroe- and Daniel D. Tompkins 
jjuly elected president and vice-president, for the term of 
four years from the 4th of March, 1821. 

On the 25th of February, Mr. Clay, from a joint com- 
mittee of the two houses appointed on the Missouri question, 
reported a resolution for the admission of the state into the 
Union, on condition that the said state, by their legislature, 
should assent to a condition that a part of the state consti- 
tution should never be construed to authorize the passage 
of a law by which any citizen of either of the states in the 
Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the 
privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled 
under the constitution of the United States. After debate, 
the final question was taken on this resolution, which was 
carried in the house by a vote of 87 to 81, and was con- 
curred in by the senate on the 28th of February, and being 
approved by the'president on the 2d of March, 1821, Mis- 
souri was admitted into the Union. Thus this" exciting 
question was finally settled, principally through the efforts 
of Mr. Clay, who had also at the former session proposed 
and procured the adoption of a resolution, or section of 
compromise, in the act authorizing Missouri to form a con- 
stitution, by which slavery was to be forever prohibited in 
that part of the territory west of the Mississippi (except- 
ing the state of Missouri,) lying north of thirty-six degrees 
and thirty minutes north latitude. 

At the next session of Congress Mr. John W, Taylor was 
a candidate for speaker, but was finally defeated by Philip 
P. Barbour of Virginia, who was regarded as a strong op- 
ponent of the principal of a protective tariff. 



04 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

The subject of a general bankrupt law was again debated, 
and occupied much of the time of this Congress. It was 
finally rejected, by a vote of 99 to 72. The question of a 
further protection to manufactures, particularly cottons 
and woollens, by additional duties on importations of those 
articles, was rejected, but the standing committee to whom 
the subject was referred, having been appointed by a speaker 
who was opposed to protection, reported that any additional 
legislation was inexpedient. The tariff question excited 
great attention and interest throughout the United States. 
The friends of protection to American manufactures were 
zealous and active in spreading their views among the peo- 
ple, and in many of the northern and western states the 
agriculturalists were convinced that their interests were 
very materially promoted by the system of protection, as 
well as that of the manufacturers. Members of Congress 
from the southern, and from some of the eastern states, at 
that time, were opposed to an increase of the tariff on for- 
eign goods, from an impression that high duties operated 
unequally on different classes and sections of the community- 
At this juncture, great excitement prevailed on the sub- 
ject of the next presidential campaign. The names of many 
gentlemen were mentioned as candidates, but the number 
gradually diminished, until the contest finally seemed to be 
confined to William H. Crawford, secretary of the treasury ; 
John Quincy Adams, secretary of state; Henry Clay, 
speaker of the house of representatives ; John. C. Calhoun, 
secretary of war ; and General Andrew Jackson, at that 
time a private citizen. Each of these candidates, during 
the war with Great Britain, were warm and efficient sup- 
porters of Mr. Madison's administration, and zealous mem- 
bers of the democratic party. 

It soon became evident that* a. large proportion of the old 
politicians of the democratic party had decided to support 
Mr. Crawford for the succession. He had been, it will be 
recollected, a formidable candidate against Mr. Monroe in 
the congressional caucus in 1816. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 95 

Previous to the meeting of Congress, the annual election 
took place in the state of New- York, in November, 1823, 
for members of the legislature, by whom the electors of 
president were to be chosen. The result was unexpected 
and very unsatisfactory to the friends of Mr. Crawford, for 
although they claimed a majority of the members elect, yet 
the city and county of New-York, and many other coun- 
ties, had decided against them, and the anti-Crawford men 
likewise claimed a majority in the legislature. The latter, 
moreover, rested their hopes of success on the passage of a 
law by the legislature, giving the choice of electors to the 
people. This question, which was for many months agita- 
ted in New- York, gave rise to what was called the people's 
party, which comprised in its ranks most of the people op- 
posed to Mr. Crawford for the presidency. 

On the 1st day of December, 1823, the eighteenth Con- 
gress held their first session, which continued until the 26th 
of May, 1824. Mr. Clay, who was again elected a member 
from Kentucky, was chosen speaker of the house, by a 
large majority, over Mr. Barbour, speaker of the last 
Congress. 

Many were opposed to a congressioanal caucus, but 
the friends of Mr. Crawford insisted opon it and it was 
held on the 14th of February 1824. On a ballot for presi- 
dent, Mr. Crawford received 64 votes, Mr. Adams 2, 
General Jackson 1. Mr. Gallatin was nominated for vice- 
president, but afterwards declined. 

The issue of this attempt to nominate Mr. Crawford 
proved injurious to his prospects. In the state of New- 
It ork the Crawford party became very unpopular, in con- 
sequence of some of their leading men having rejected a 
law proposed by the people's party in the legislature, pro- 
viding for the choice of presidential electors by the people. 
The electors in the state of New- York were therefore 
chosen by the legislature ; but owing principally to the 
. efforts of General James Tallmadge, the champion of the 
people's party in the legislature on that occasion, with the 



96 political landmarks; 

aid of Mr. Henry Wheaton and other zealous members of 
that body, the friends of Mr. Crawford met with an unex- 
pected defeat, and the electoral vote of the state was given 
as follows : for Adams 26, for Crawford 5, for Clay 4, for 
Jackson 1. • 

The canvass for a successor to James Monroe was singu- 
lar in many respects. Mr. Ritchie, now of thfe Washing- 
ton Union, but then of the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, ad- 
vocated, with great pertinacity, the nomination and elec- 
tion of William H. Crawford for the Presidency. Mr. 
R. went so far as to engage in a system of abuse of the 
character of General Andrew Jackson. Edwin Croswell, 
of the Albany Argus, entered into the same strain. This 
was regarded as unfair and ungenerous by the democrats 
throughout the country, and was particularly pleasing to the 
federalists. The management of those two men, with a few 
others, brought about a majority for Mr. Crawford, in the 
Congressional caucus, which, however, was but very slim- 
ly attended. This determined spirit, of obstinacy and dic- 
tation manifested by Ritchie and Croswell, had a tendency 
to weaken the caucus or convention system in those days 
materially. The democracy felt as though there was an 
attempt to drive them to do what they were not disposed to • 
do. They did not consider William H. Crawford as a gen- 
uine democrat. In 1808 he voted with the federalists upon 
the embargo question, and in 1811 he voted with the fede- 
ralists for the United States Bank bill, which all other demo- 
crats opposed. It was not easy for the democrats of those 
days to forget those who betrayed them in trying times. 
There is no doubt the defeat of General Jackson in 1824, 
was owing to the obstinacy of the gentlemen referred to. 

The contest in the fall of 1824 was a very strong one, and 
resulted in the election of no one as President of the United 
States by the people. The candidates voted for were An- I 
drew Jackson, Wm. H. Crawford, JohnQ-uincy Adams and 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 97 

Henry Clay. The question was then to be settled by the 
House of Representatives. 

On the 3d Feb., 18*25, the members of the Senate and 
House'of Representatives in joint Convention counted the 
votes, and declared the same as follows : 

For President. For Vice President. 



Maine, 


-a 

< 

a 

a 
o 
9 


- 
i 






>-> 

X 




"3 
O 

d 
o 

9 


3 

5 
« 

— 

1 



o 

a 

* 

c 

< 



a 

S3 
C/2 




3 
b 

a 

= 
It 


feH 

a 

> 

& 



New-Hampshire, 


- 8 











7 





1 











Massachusetts, 


15 











15 

















Rhode-Island, 


4 











3 

















Connecticut, - 


- 8 

















s 











Vermont, - 


. 7 


p 


p 





7 











Q 





New- York, - 


26 


5 


1 


4 


29 








7 








New- Jersey, 








8 





8 

















Pennsylvania, 








28 





28 

















Delaware, 


- 1 


2 








1 











2 





Maryland, - 


3 


1 


V 





10 





1 











Virginia, 


- 


24 


p 








24 














North-Carolina, 


- 





15 





15 





u 











South-Carolina, 








11 





11 

















Creorgia, 


- 


9 























9 


Kentucky, 











14 


7 





p 


7 








Tennessee, - 


- 





11 





11 

















Ohio, 





p 





16 








p 


16 








Louisana, 


- 2 





3 





5 











6 





Mississippi, 





q 


3 





3 

















Indiana, 








•3 





5 

















Illinois, 


• 1 





2 





3 

















Alabama, 








5 





5 

















Missouri, - 











3 








3 












37 182 24 U SO 



98 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

The president of the senate then rose, and declared that 
no person had received a majority of the votes given for 
president of the United States ; that Andrew Jackson, John 
&. Adams and William H. Crawford, were the three per- 
sons who had received the highest number of votes, and 
that the remaining duties in the choice of a president now 
devolved on the house of representatives. He further de- 
clared, that John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, having 
received 182 votes, was duly elected vice-president of the 
United States, to serve for four years from the 4th day of 
March next. 

The members of the senate then retired. 
The speaker directed the roll of the house to be called 
when it was discovered that all of the members were pre- 
sent, when the voting by states was commenced, which re- 
sulted as follows, each state being entitled to one vote, it 
being cast in accordance with the views of the majority of 
the delegation of such state : 

For John .d. Adams, of Mass., 13 votes, 
For Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, 7 votes, 
For William H. Crawford, of Georgia, 4 votes. 
The speaker then stated this result to the house, and an- 
nounced that John duincy Adams, having a majority of the 
votes of these United States, was duly elected president of 
the same, for four years, commencing with the 4th of March 
next. 

Gen. Jackson having 99 electoral votes to 81 for Adams, 
41 for Crawford, and 37 for Clay, there was of course some 
considerable excitement when Mr. Adams was elected by 
the house. 

The inauguration of John Quincy Adams as President 
of the United States, took place on the 4th of March, 1825. 
After delivering his address, Mr. Adams descended from 
the chair, and took the oath of office, at the close of which 
the house rang with the cheers and plaudits of the immense 
audience. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 99 

The senate being in session, the president immediately 
nominated the members of his cabinet, namely : Henry 
Clay, of Kentucky, for secretary of state ; Richard Rush, 
of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury ; James Barbour, 
of Virginia, secretary of war. These nominations were 
all confirmed, and unanimously, except that of Mr. Clay, to 
which a warm opposition was made on the part of a few 
senators, and the injunction of secrecy being removed, the 
votes appeared to have "been twenty-seven in favor, and 
fourteen against it. The remaining member of the cabinet, 
William Wirt, of Virginia, was continued as attorney-ge- 
neral. John M'Lean, of Ohio, postmaster-general (not 
then a member of the cabinet,) who had been appointed by 
Mr. Monroe, was also continued in office. 

After disposing of the nominations made by the executive, 
the senate took into consideration the treaty made with the 
republic of Columbia, for the suppression of the slave-trade. 
This treaty was made in conformity with a resolution of the 
house of representatives, recommending to the executive to 
make treaties, giving the mutual right of search of vessels 
in suspected^ parts of the world, in order more effectually to 
prevent the trafic in slaves. The amendments proposed by 
the senate, at the last session, to the treaty with Great Bri- 
tain, for the same purpose, were introduced into this treaty ; 
but the fate of the treaty with England had probably caused 
a change in the minds of some of the senators and other 
views had been taken of the subject by others, and the 
treaty with Colombia was rejected by 28 votes to 12. 

The divisions which had been taken on the foregoing 
questions, in the senate, left little doubt that the new admi- 
nistration was destined to meet with a systematic and or- 
ganized opposition ; and previous to the next meeting of 
Congress, the ostensible grounds of opposition were set 
forth at public dinners and meetings, so as to prepare the 
community for a warm political contest, until the next elec- 
tion. 



100 political landmarks; 

Those who placed themselves in opposition to the adminis- 
tration, without reference to its measures, urged as reasons 
for their hostility, that Mr. Adams' election was the result 
of a bargain between Mr. Clay and himself; and his selec- 
tion of Mr. Clay as secretary of state, was relied upon as a 
conclusive proof of the bargain ; that he was elected against 
the expressed will of the people ; and that Congress by not 
taking General Jackson, the candidate having the highest 
number of votes, had violated the constitution, and dis- 
obeyed their constituents. 

The first session of the nineteenth Congress commenced 
on the 5th of December, 1825, and continued until the 22d 
of May 1826. Mr. Calhoun, the vice-president, took the 
chair in the senate, and Nathaniel Macon, of North Caro- 
lina, was chosen president pro tern, previous to the adjourn- 
ment in May. 

In the house, on the second ballot for speaker, John W 
Taylor, of New-York, a friend of the administration, re- 
ceived 99 votes, against 94 for all others, and was elected. — 
In the senate the administration had a decided majority, 
but it soon became obvious that in both houses the friends 
of General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, with few exceptions, 
were disposed to unite, and embarrass and defeat the mea- 
sures proposed by the president and his cabinet, or by their 
friends in Congress. 

Many of the most important of the suggestions in the 
president's message were not acted on during the session ; 
other topics having occupied the attention of Congress, 
which were introduced apparently for the purpose of agi- 
tating the public mind on the subject of the recent election 
of president. Amendments to the constitution were pro- 
posed in the senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri, to provide 
for a direct vote by the people, in districts, for president, 
and dispensing with the colleges of electors ; and by Mr. 
M'Duffie, of South-Carolina, in the house, provid 
cboie> 



• OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 101 

of president from devolving on the house of representatives. 
Mr. Benton's proposition was accompanied with an able 
report, but no action was taken on it in the senate. A long 
and spirited debate took place in the house on the proposed 
amendments, in the course of which Mr. M'Duffie went into 
a history of the late election, ceusuring in severe terms the 
course of Mr. Clay and his friends, to which Mr. Trimble, 
of Kentucky, and others, replied in severe and pointed 
language, which caused a scene of great excitement. On 
the first resolution, which took the election from Congress, 
the house divided, 123 in the affirmative, and 64 in the ne- 
gative. The second resolution, in favor of the district sys- 
tem, was rejected, by a vote of 101 to 91. 

The recommendation in the president's message, that 
the United States should take part in a congress of North 
and South American states, proposed to be held at Panama, 
was at this time the subject of great political interest, and 
much agitated in Congress at this session. In certain offi- 
cial conversations had in the spring of 1825, with the min- 
isters of those powers, invitations were given, on the part 
of Columbia, Mexico, and Central America, to the United 
States, to send commissioners to Panama. The proposed 
congress at that place was supposed to have .been first sug- 
gested by General Bolivar, who was for some time at the 
head of the republic of Columbia ; and that Peru and Chili 
should also join in it. The views of Bolivar were, to form 
a close alliance, and to pledge mutual assistance to resist 
European governments. 

Mr. Clay, the secretary of state, in replying to the com" 
munications from the ministers of the republics of Spanish 
America, remarked, that those communications were re- 
ceived with proper feelings of the friendly motives which 
dictated them ; but that the United States could not take 
any part in the existing war with Spain, nor in concils for 
deliberating on its further prosecution ; though the presi- 
dent believed that such a congress might be highly useful 
in settling several important disputed questions of public 



102 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

law, and in arranging other matters of deep interest to the 
American continent, and strengthening the bonds of friend- 
ship between the American powers ; that it appeared to him, 
however, expedient, before such a congress met, to adjust, 
as preliminary matters, the precise objects to which the at- 
tention of the congress would be directed, and the sub- 
stance and form of the power of the ministers representing 
the several republics. In reply to this suggestion, notes 
were received from them, stating the objects of the assem- 
bly, and formally renewing the invitation. The president 
determined to accept this invitation, and to send ministers 
to the congress, should the senate consent to the measure. 

This determination he memtioned in his opening message 
to Congress, and on the 26th of December he sent to the 
senate a confidential message, setting forth the objects of 
the Panama congress ; his reason for accepting the invita- 
tion to send commissioners ; and nominating Richard C. 
Anderson and John Sergeant as ministers on the part of the 
United States, and William B. Rochester, of New-York, as 
secretary to the mission. 

This message, with the accompanying documents, was 
referred to the committee on foreign relations, by whom a 
report was made on the 16th of January, 1826, condemning 
the mission, and ending with a resolution, declaring it to be 
inexpedient to send ministers to Panama. 

The report of the committee on foreign relations occa- 
sioned a long debate in secret session in the senate, and 
the resolution reported by that committee, condemning the 
Panama mission, was negatived by a vote of 24 to 19, on 
the 14th of March The nominations by the president were 
then confirmed by the senate ; and the injunction of secrecy 
on the subject removed from the journal. Thus the adminis- 
tration was sustained in this measure by the senate ; and in 
the house of representatives the bill making the appropria- 
tion for the mission, was carried, after a debate of many 
d ays, on the 21st of April, by a vote of 133 to 61. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 103 

The house having thus concurred with the senate in as- 
senting to the policy of the mission, measures were taken 
to carry it into effect ; and orders were transmitted to Mr. 
Anderson, who was then minister of Columbia, to attend 
the congress, which was to hold its first meeting in the 
month of June. In his way to Panama he was unfortunately 
attacked, at Carthagenia, by a malignant fever, which proved 
fatal, and deprived the country of an able and useful repre- * 
sentative. 

The representatives of Peru, Mexico, Centaral America, 
and Columbia, met there on the 22d of June, 1826. Upper 
Peru, or Bolivia, had not then organized its government, 
and was not represented, nor was the republic of Chili. 
The governments of England and the Netherlands, though 
uninvited, sent diplomatic agents, who were not permitted 
to be present during the deliberations of the congress, but 
communications were made to them of their proceedings. 

The first session of the twentieth Congress commenced 
on the 3d of December, 1827, and closed on the 26th of 
May, 1828. 

The subject of a revision of the tariff on imports, with a 
view to additional protection to American manufactures, 
was brought before Congress at an early period of the ses- 
sion. A committe appointed for that purpose, after great 
deliberation, introduced a new tariff bill, in which an in- 
creased rate of duties was proposed on many articles of 
produce and manufacture. 

The discussions on the tariff bill continued from the 12th 
of February to the 15th of April ; various amendments 
proposed by Mr. Mallary, chairman of the committee which 
reported the bill, and a friend of the administration, having 
been rejected, and others, offered by him and others, being 
adopted ; the bill finally passed the house by a vote of 109 
"to 91. In the senate, after sundry amendments, which were 
afterwards concurred in by the house, the bill passed, by 26 
ayes to 21 nays, and being approved by the president, be- 



104 political landmarks; 

came a law a few days before the adjournment. This tariff 
became very unpopular in the southern states, where the 
policy was denounced on all occasions as unconstitutional 
and oppressive. The law of 1828, however, continued in 
operation for about four years after its passage, namely, till 
1832, when another revision took place. 

Nothing else of particular interest transpired during the 
"session. Congress adjourned on the 26th of May, without 
much regret on the part of the community, at the termina- 
tion of its protracted debates. 

At this time the subject of a successor to John Quincy 
Adams for the Presidency was the all-engrossing topic of 
discussion from one extreme of the Union to the other. 
Never has there been known, since the formation of our . 
government, so much bitterness *of feeling to exhist as 
during this controversy. The character, moral and political, 
of all candidates was thoroughly canvassed. General Jack- 
son was represented as being a*low-bred, rough, uneducated 
man, totaly unfit for the station to which the- democracy 
seemed bent upon calling him. Such were the violence of 
the attacks made upon him by the Federalists throughout 
the country, that, notwithstanding we were but a boy, and 
could do nothing in the" way of elevating General Jackson 
to the presidential chair, except to peddle tickets at the 
polls on the day of election in his favor, we did this with as 
good a cheer as any one living, yet we had imbibed the im- 
pression that he was a rough, uncouth hear of a man; pos- 
sessed of a determined spirit of perseverance. Being im- 
pressed with such views, we shall never, to the day of our 
death, forget the interview had with him while on his way 
to Washington to take his seat as President of the United 
States. When presented by a friend, and one who had 
noticed our attachment to the man, although not a voter, 
we found instead of the rough, unpolished back-woodsman, 
one of the most gentlemany polished men in his manners 
we ever met. From the squeeze of the hand, we discovered 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 



105 



that there was some little iron in the composition. We 
revert to this matter to correct an error which to this day 
exists in the minds of many of General Jackson's most ar- 
dent admirers. There never was an impression more 
erroneous. 

In the contest of 1828, the democracy brought forward 
Gen. Andrew Jackson, and the federal party the then pres- 
ident, John Quincy Adams. 



The result was as follows ; 



Jackson. 
1 



Maine, - 

New-Hampshire, - 

Vermont, - 

Massachusetts, - - - - 

Rhode-Island, 

Connecticut, - 

New-York, 20 

New-Jersey, ----- 

Pennsylvania, - - ■ . — - 28 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 5 

Virginia, 24 

North-Carolina, - 15 

South-Carolina, - - - - 11 

Georgia, - - - 9 

Alabama, - - - - 5 

Mississippi, -. - - - - 3 

Louisiana, - - - 5 

Tennessee, - - - - 11 

Kentucky, ----- 14 

Ohio, - 16 

Indiana, ----- 5 

Illinois, 3 

Missouri, ----- 3 



Adams, 

8 

8 

7 
15 

4 
; 8 
16 

8 

3 

6 



178 



106 political landmarks; 

John C. Calhoun, of South-Carolina, was elected vice- 
president by 171 electoral votes to 83 for Richard Rush, 
and 7 for William Smith, of South-Carolina. 

On the fourth of March, 1829, General Andrew Jack- 
son entered on his duties as President of the United States. 
At twelve o'clock of that day, the senate, which had been 
convened by his predecessor, Mr. Adams, adjourned, after a 
session of one hour, during which the president entered the 
senate-chamber, attended by the marshal of the district and 
the committee of arrangements. He had been escorted to 
the capitol, from Gadsby's hotel, by a few of the surviving 
officers and soldiers of the revolution, and made the follow- 
ing reply to an address delivered to him at the hotel : — 

Respected Friends: Your affectionate address awa- 
kens sentiments and recollections which I feel with sincer- 
ity and cherish with pride. To have around my person, at 
the moment of undertaking the most solemn of all duties to 
my country the companions of the immortal Washington, 
will afford me ' satisfaction and grateful encouragement. 
That by my best exertions I shall be able to exhibit more 
than an imitation of his labors, a sense of my own imper- 
fections, and the reverence I entertain for his virtues forbid 
me to hope. 

" To you, respected friends, the survivors of that heroic 
band who followed him so long and so valiantly in the path 
of glory, I offer my sincere thanks, and to Heaven my 
prayers, that your remaining years may be as happy as your 
ton's and your lives have been illustrious." 

After the adjournment of the senate, about noon, a pro- 
cession was formed to the eastern porto of the capitol, where, 
in the presence of an immense concourse of spectators, the 
president delivered his inaugural address ; and having con- 
cluded it, the oath to support the constitution was adminis- 
tered to him by Chief-Justice Marshal. 

Salutes were fired by two companies of artillery, station- 
ed in the vicinity of the capitol, which were repeated at the 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 107 

forts, and by detachments of artillery on the plains. When 
the president retired, the procession was re-formed, and he 
was conducted to the presidential mansion. He here receiv- 
ed the salutations of a vast number of persons, who came 
to congratulate him upon his induction to the presidency. 

The members of Mr. Adams' cabinet having resigned, 
President Jackson, immediately after his inauguration, nom- 
inated to the senate the following gentlemen for the heads 
of the respective departments, who were promptly confirm- 
ed : Martin Van Buren, of New-York, secretary of state ; 
Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treas- 
ury ; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, secretary of war ; John 
Branch, of North-Carolina, secretary of the navy ; John 
M'Pherson Berrien, of Georgia, attorney-general. It was 
determined to introduce the postmaster-general into the 
cabinet; the incumbent of that office John M'Lean, was ap- 
pointed associate justice of the supreme court, and Will- 
iam T. Barry, of Kentucky, received the appointment of 
post-master-general. Certain duties in the department of 
state requiring immediate attention on the accession of a 
new president, James A. Hamilton, son of the late General 
Alexander Hamilton, was charged temporarily with the du- 
ties of secretary of state, until Mr. Van Buren could close 
his business as governor of New- York, on the duties of 
which office he had only entered on the first of January, 1829. 

The secretaries of state and the navy, and the attorney- 
general, had been leading supporters of Mr. Crawford, in 
the presidential contest of 1824. Mr. Ingham was selected 
through the influence of the vice-president, Mr. Calhoun, 
and Messrs. Eaton and Barry were among the original sup- 
porters of Gen. Jackson. 

The determination of the respective friends of Jackson, 
Crawford, and Calhoun, to combine in support of the Gen- 
eral at the election of 1828, induced much speculation as to 
the course he could pursue, in order to satisfy the vari- 
ous conflicting views upon different topics. But he was 



108 political landmarks; 

elected without being particularly pledged upon any sub- 
ject, and having received an overwhelming majority of elecr 
toral votes, he was left to adopt such course as he thought 
proper. 

Under these fortunate circumstances. Gen. Jackson had 
assumed the executive government, with a surplus of more 
than five millions of dollars in the national treasury, the 
country respected abroad, at peace with all the world, and in 
a state of unexampled and progressive domestic prosperity. 

Such was the state of affairs when the twenty-first con- 
gress assembled on the 7th of December, 1829 ; and this 
first session continued until the 31st of May, 1830. The 
majority in each branch in favor of the new administration 
was decided. The vice-president being absent at the com- 
mencement of the session, Samuel Smith resumed the chair, 
as president pro-tempore of the senate. In the house of 
representatives, Andrew Stevenson was re-elected speaker 
by 152 votes against 39. 

The message of the president in point of expression was 
considered equal to those of his predecessors, and gave an 
elaborate view of the foreign relations and domestic con- 
cerns of the United States. Many of its recommendations 
were considered at this session of Congress, but in several 
instances the president's views met with an unfavorable re- 
ception from many of his friends in both houses. - On the 
subject of a renewal of the charter of the bank of the Uni- 
ted States, the standing committees of the senate and the 
house, to whom it was referred, made reports diametrically 
apposite to the recommendation of the president. The 
friends of the administration formed a majority in both 
committees, and the marked difference in the opinions en- 
tertained by them from that expressed in the president's 
message, afforded a striking proof of the want of harmony 
between the president and cabinet, and the party which had 
brought them into power. On the subject of a revision of the 
tariff, the recommendation of the president met with favor. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 109 

The tariff of 1828 became a law during the excitement 
of the presidential election, and in adjusting its details, 
more regard had been paid to the political effect of the law, 
than to the permanent interests of the country, or to the 
rules of political economy. Hostility to the tariff had 
been manifested early in the session of 1829-30, by 
many of the friends of the administration ; but an equally 
strong feeling of dissatisfaction with the existing law, on the 
ground of its inadequate protection to the woolen manufac- 
tures, had induced the friends of the policy to bring forward 
the subject, with a view of obtaining a modification of the law 
more favorable to their interests, and to prevent the frauds 
which were alleged to be daily practised on the revenue, 

A bill was accordingly reported in the house of represent- 
atives, by Mr. Mallary, chairman of the committee on manu- 
factures, on the 27th of January, 1830, to regulate the entry 
of importations of woolens. After much debate in both 
houses, it was passed, and being sanctioned by the president, 
became a law in May following. 

Several unsuccessful attempts were made to engraft up- 
on the above mentioned bill amendments reducing the duties 
on various articles. It was finally concluded to attack the 
tariff in detail, and separate bills were introduced providing 
for a reduction of duties on salt and molasses ; both of 
which were passed, by considerable majorities. Another 
bill was passed, reducing the duties on tea and coffee. 

The following laws, in addition to the foregoing, were 
the most important which were passed during, this session : 
For the re-appropriation of thirty thousand dollars for the 
suppression of the slave-trade, which had been appropriated 
two years before, but was not expended, and which was 
founded on an act of congress of 1819; for repealing an act 
imposing tonnage duties on vessels of which the officers 
and two-thirds of the seamen Were citizens of the United 
States; for the more effectual collection of imp.ost. duties, 



110 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

officers of the customs ; for the appointment of an additional 
officer to be attached to the treasury department, called the 
solicitor of the treasury ; for allowing a portion of the claims 
of Massachusetts, for services and expenses of the Militia in 
1812-14, in time of war, and for which that state had not 
been reimbursed, the amount allowed being four hundred 
and thirty thousand dollars, about half the sum claimed; for 
the removal of the Indians from lands occupied by them 
within any state of the union, to a territory west of the 
Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or organized 
territory, and belonging to the United States. 

Although the unequivocal testimonies of popular feeling 
checked the tendency on the part of many leading politicians 
to nullification, and the doctrines of Mr. Webster's speech 
were in substance sustained subsequently by president Jack- 
son in his proclamation respecting the difficulties in South 
Carolina, in 1832; yet the views of Mr.^Hayne respecting 
state-rights and the powers of the general government con- 
tinued to "be entertained and asserted by a large and respect- 
able portion of the people of the southern states. 

Besides those of Mr. Hayne and Mr. Webster upon the 
questoin of the public lands, many of the other speeches in 
the senate during the great debate referred to, were dis- 
tinguished for eloquence, ingenuity, and power. No par- 
ticular law resulted from this protracted and able discussion. 

There was early indications of a want of harmony among 
the different sections of which the administration party was 
composed. Efforts had been made from the commencement 
of the presidential term of General Jackson, by the respec- 
tive partisans of the vice-president and of uy of 
state, to direct the executive patronage to the aggrandize- 
ment of their own friends. A division of the party was 
early seen to be inevitable, but the personal predilections of 
the president were as yet unknown. In the formation of 
the cabinet, the first post had been given to Mr. Van Buren 
himself, but the extensive influence of the treasury depart- 



OB, HISTORY OP PARTIES. Ill 

ment was placed under the control of Mr. Ingham, a de- 
voted friend of the vice-president. The other members of 
the cabinet were not selected with reference to the views of 
either of the competitors for the succession to the presiden- 
cy, but upon grounds of personal preference on the part of 
the president. The views of the secretary of state and of 
the secretary of the navy had not harmonized with those of 
the secretaries of war and of the treasury. The attorney 
general had belonged to the old federal party, and the post- 
master general had not shown that his political principles 
necessarily inclined him to a narrow construction of the 
powers of the federal government. Upon the whole, how- 
ever, the cabinet was formed with an apparent preference 
of the political creed professed by the friends of the vice- 
president, rather than that of the radical party. The star 
of the vice-president was deemed to be in the ascendant, 
and it was generally believed that the influence of the execu- 
tive would be exerted to promote his elevation to the presi- 
dential chair upon his own retirement. These opinions, 
however were, not realized. 

While the patronage of the executive was so directed 
publicly to strengthen Mr. Calhoun's political party, by 
placing many of his friends in important posts, the ground 
on which he stood was crumbling beneath him, and measures 
were in train to create a breach between him and the pre- 
sident. To him, as a more early and efficient supporter, 
the president had given a greater share of confidence, and 
manifested a warmer feeling than he had originally bestowed 
upon the secretary of state. In this particular the secretary 
labored under a disadvantage ; but circumstances soon en- 
abled him to obtain a great superiority of influence over the 
mind of the president. 

The secretary of war had been brought into the cabinet 
on account of the confidential relations and intimate friend- 
ship subsisting between him and the president, and of course 
was entitled to and received his entire confidence. Upon 
the arrival of the secretary of state at Washington, he found 



112 political landmarks; 

a coolness existing between the secretay of war and the 
vice-president, and a division in the cabinet itself, in con- 
sequence of some disagreement in their private relations. 
As the president warmly sympathized in the feelings and 
resentment of the secretary of war on this point, the secre- 
taries of the treasury and navy, as the objects of that resent- 
ment, gradually lost his confidence, which was transferred 
to the secretary of state, whose course both in public and 
private had so completely harmonized with the wishes of 
himself and his friends. 

The loss of influence on the part of the secretary of the 
treasury had impaired the indirect power of Mr. Calhoun, 
and the same cause had injured his own standing with the 
executive. No open breach had, however, as yet taken 
place between them, and the vice-president and his friends 
in congress continued to support the administration^ some 
of whose appointments were carried by the casting vote of 
the vice-president as president of the senate. 

Affairs remained on this uncertain footing until nearly t-he 
close of the first session of the twenty-first congress. At 
that time, and after the greater part of the questionable 
nominations had been confirmed, a movement was made 
which ripened the misunderstanding between the president 
and the vice-president into a complete alienation of feeling, 
and prepared the way for an open rupture. Before this 
event occurred, the influence of tire coutroversy above 
alluded to had effected a change in the political relations of 
some of the members of the cabinet ; and upon that ques- 
tion the president, the secretaries of state and of war, and 
the post-master-general, were opposed to the secretaries of 
the treasury and navy, and the attorney general ; and the 
division was understood to have no inconsiderable bearing 
upon other questions of greater importance. 

This misunderstanding continued to increase, until finally 
an open rupture was produced This quarrel bow< 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 113 

the conduct of General Jackson during the Seminole cam- 
paign, in 1818. 

General Jackson had commanded the American troops 
in that war, and acting, as he conceived, in the execution 
of his orders, had invaded the territory of Florida, then 
belonging to Spain, and occupied the forts and towns of 
Pensacola, to which the Indians had fled for protection. 
The Spanish miuister at Washington remonstrated and in 
the discussion which took place in Mr. Monroe's cabinet 
respecting this transaction, Mr. Calhoun as secretary of war 
proposed that a court of inquiry should be held on General 
Jackson's conduct, inasmuch as he had transcended his 
orders. 

Mr. Crawford, then secretary of the treasury, also advo- 
cated a course which would have been deemed a censure 
on General Jackson ; but the secretary of state (Mr. Adams,) 
conceding that the orders from the war department had been 
transcended, so forcibly vindicated the course of General 
Jackson, upon principles of national law, that all proceed- 
ings against him were relinquished, and the government 
determined, in its discussions with Spain, to justify the in- 
vasion, while it delivered up the posts. This was done by 
an able reply from the secretary of state to the complaints 
of the Spanish minister, in which the course of the Ameri- 
can general was successfully vindicated. 

The subject was afterwards agitated in Congress, and 
the friends, of Mr. Crawford in that body were particularly 
distinguished for their efforts to censure the conduct of Ge- 
neral Jackson. As might have been expected the General 
felt greatly aggrieved by this attack, and his resentment was 
roused both against Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay, whose 
opinions on this subject were openly avowed, in the debate 
on the Seminole war. Toward Mr. Adams, by whom he 
had been so ably defended, and toward Mr. Calhoun, who 
had publicly sustained him, notwithstanding his first im- 
pressions, he had, until lately, expressed the warmest feel- 
5* 



114 political landmarks; 

ings of gratitude This harmonious footing (with regard 
to the latter,) which was first disturbed by the controversy 
above mentioned, was now destined to be totally destroyed. 
Toward the close of the first session of the twenty-first 
congress, a letter from Mr. Crawford to Mr. Forsyth was 
placed in the hands of General Jackson, by the agency of 
a particular friend of the secretary of state, then at Wash- 
ington, accusing Mr. Calhoun of having proposed a censure 
upon him for his conduct in the Seminole campaign. This 
letter was transmitted to Mr.. Calhoun by the president, 
with an intimation, that it was so contrary to his impres- 
sions of the course he had supposed Mr. Calhoun to have 
pursued, as to require some explanation. Mr. Calhoun re- 
plied, and showed, by referring to the correspondence be- 
tween General Jackson and the government, in 1818, that 
he must have known Mr. Calhoun's opinion to be that he 
had transcended his orders, and that his vindication had 
then been placed on other and distinct grounds. Mr. Cal- 
houn then proceeded to inquire into the motives which had 
led, at this late period, to a renewal of this discussion, and 
avowed his belief that it had originated in a desire to detract 
from his influence with the president and thus to destroy 
his political standing with the friends of the administration. 
A long and protracted correspondence ensued, in which the 
late secretary of the treasury, Mr. Crawford, and several of 
his confidential friends took part, and although the secre- 
tary of state distinctly disclaimed all knowledge of the pre- 
liminary movements, and all motive to detract from the po- 
litical standing of the vice-president, still, their respective 
claims upon the succession, his course in public and private, 
after being appointed secretary of state, and the political re- 
lations of the agents who appeared as the prime movers in 
this affair, produced a general impression that its sole object 
was to create a breach between the president and vice- 
president, with the view of destroying the influence of a 
formidable competitor for public favor. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 115 

Having alluded to the subject of nullification, as evinced 
by the acts of a portion of the people of the southern states, 
at this period, it is proper that we should notice in this 
place, the origin and progress of that political doctrine, as 
connected with controversies and events which occurred 
during this administration. It may be remarked, as a gen- 
eral proposition, that the southern states have, with the ex- 
ception of South-Carolina, been uniformly hostile to the ex- 
ercise of power by the general government. That state, al- 
though voting with the adjacent states on all local and most 
national questions, had on some occasions, as in 1790, '91, 
and in 1816, been foremost in asserting the right of con- 
gress to legislate on certain disputed points. Among those 
were the subjects of internal improvement, the United 
States bank, and the tariff". A change of opinion had now 
taken place there, and it began to go beyond any of the 
advocates of the state-rights, in its assertion of state sove- 
reignty. A vehement opposition to a protective tariff, both 
in 1824 and on the subsequent modification in 1828, had 
been led by the talented delegation in congress, and when 
they were defeated in the halls of legislation, with charac- 
teristic energy they renewed their efforts to overturn the 
system and to render it unpopular with the people. 

At first it was contemplated, on its passage, to resign 
their seats in congress, and a meeting of the delegation 
was held at Washington, with the view of deciding upon 
the steps which should be taken. 

The delegation, however, did not concur in 'adopting 
violent measures, and it was determined to endeavor, upon 
their return home, to rouse their constituents to a more 
effectual opposition to the protective system. No exertions 
were spared to excite public feeling against the law. It was 
denounced as a measure local in its character, partial and 
oppressive in its operation, and unconstitutional in prin- 
ciple. 

Having convinced themselves of this, they began to ques- 



116 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

tion the right of the federal government to require obedience, 
and almost simultaneously with the legislature of Georgia, 
which, December 24, 1827, resolved to submit only, to its 
own construction of the federal compact, the senate of South- 
Carolina instituted a committee to inquire into the powers 
of the federal government, in reference to certain subjects 
then agitated. 

The report of this committee, which received the sanc- 
tion of both branches of the legislature, in December, 1827, 
asserted that the federal constitution was a compact originally 
formed, not between the people of the United States at 
large, but between the people of the different states, as dis- 
tinct and independent sovereignties; and that when any 
violation of the letter or spirit of that compact took place, 
it is not only the right of the people, but of the state legis- 
latures, to remonstrate against it ; that the federal govern- 
ment was responsible to the people whenever it abused or 
injudiciously exercised powers intrusted to it, and that it 
was responsible to the state legislatures whenever it assumed 
powers not conferred. Admitting that, under the constitu- 
tion, a tribunal was appointed to decide controversies, 
where the United States was a party, the report contended 
that some questions must occur between the United States 
and the states, which it would be unsafe to submit to any 
judicial tribunal. The supreme court has already mani- 
fested an undue leaning in favor of the federal government ; 
and when the constitution was violated in its spirit, and not 
literally there was peculiar propriety in a state legislature's 
undertaking to decide for itself, inasmuch as the consti- 
tution had not provided any remedy. 

The report then proceeded to declare all legislation for 
the protection of domestic manufactures to be unconstitu- 
tional, as being in favor of a local interest, and that con- 
gress had no power to legislate, except upon subjects of 
general interest. The power to construct roads and canals 
within the limits of a state, or to appropriate money for that 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 117 

purpose, was also denounced as unconstitutional, as was 
all legislation for the purpose of meliorating the condition 
of the free colored or the slave population of the United 
States. 

On this last topic, it was intimated that no reasoning 
could take place between the United States and South- 
Carolina. It was a question of feeling too intimately con- 
nected with their tranquility and safety to be discussed. 

In remonstrating against these violations of the constitu- 
tion, the state should appear as a sovereign, and not as a 
suppliant, before the national legislature; and. resolutions, 
expressive of the approbation of the state legislature of 
these principles, having passed both houses, they were trans- 
mitted, with the report, to the delegation in congress, to 
be laid before that body, then engaged in the consideration 
of the tariff. 

That law having passed, the legislature of the state, at 
the next session, sanctioned a protest against it as unconsti- 
tutional, oppressive, and unjust, which was transmitted to 
their senators, to be entered upon the journal of the senate. 
This was done on the 10th of February, 1829. The change 
which took place in the federal government caused a belief 
that some satisfactory modification would be made of the 
tariff; and during the summer of 1829 the excitement ap- 
peared to be directed less against the administration, and 
more concentrated against the law itself. The doctrine, 
however, of the right of a state to nullify an act of Congress 
was not relinquished, . although it seemed to be conceded 
that it would be best to attempt first to procure the repeal 
of the obnoxious law. In these opinions the state govern- 
ment of Georgia fully concurred. As a measure of policy* 
the tariff was equally unpopular ; and the controversy res- 
pecting the Indians had been carried to that length, as to 
bring the state in collision with a law of congress, and to 
induce the legislature to declare that it should be disre- 
garded and held void. 



118 political landmarks; 

The legislature of Virginia also declared its assent to 
the same principle of nullification, by a vote of 134 to 68 ; 
and judging from the opinions expressed by the public func- 
tionaries of those states, the time appeared to be near at 
hand when the Union was about to be dissolved, by the de- 
termination of a large section not to submit to the laws of 
the federal . government, nor to any common tribunal ap- 
pointed to decide upon their constitutionality. 

A check was indeed given to this spirit by the state of 
North-Carolina, which, although not then less averse to the 
policy of the tariff, declared itself against all* violent mea- 
sures in opposition to it. 

The state of Alabama also, assumed nearly the same 
ground with Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia; still 
the qualified opposition first made to the law, proved that 
the south was not united in the unconstitutional stand taken 
by some of the states on that subject, and that the injustice 
and oppression which were so vehemently denounced, were 
not so plainly and generally felt as to render resistance to 
the tariff a popular step. Indeed, it was doubted whether 
the feelings of the people in the three states which had de- 
clared in favor of nullification, were not misrepresented by 
the local legislatures. 

The federative principle of the constitution, and the 
whole authority of congress and of the federal judiciary, 
were put in issue by the question now started, and however 
unwilling the leaders might be to destroy the union, still 
experience had too clearly shown the difficulty of restraining 
an excited people, not to create apprehension as to the re- 
sult of these efforts to throw off the general government. 

The question of internal improvements by the general 
government was discussed during the first session of the 
twenty-first congress, when it appeared that the friends of 
the system retained a majority in both houses. Among the 
bills passed at this session was one authorizing subscription 
to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington road company, 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 119 

in Kentucky. It passed the house by a vote of 102 to 85, 
and the senate 24 to 18. After retaining the bill eight days, 
the president returned it to the house on the 27th of May 
1830, with his objections, as set forth in his message of that 
date. 

The reading of this message caused much excitement in 
congress. Many of the friends of the president from Pennsyl- 
vania, and from the west, had relied upon his adhering to 
his former opinions upon this question, and this message first 
forced upon their minds a conviction as unwelcome as it 
was unexpected. The question being taken upon the pas- 
sage of the bill, notwithstanding the objections of the presi- 
dent, after a warm debate on the reconsideration, the vote 
stood, yeas 96, nays 92. Two-thirds of the house not agree- 
ing to pass the bill, it was rejected although a majority of 
the house thus refused to sanction the objections of the pres- 
ident. 

On the 29th of May, the house of representatives took up 
several bills relating to internal improvement which origina- 
ted in the senate, and, notwithstanding the presidential veto 
of the Maysville road bill, passed by large majorities, three 
acts, viz : 1st, authorizing a subscription to the Washing- 
ton turnpike company ; 2d, authorizing a subscription to 
the Louisville and Portland canal company ; 3d, appropria- 
ting money for lighthouses, improving harbors, directing sur- 
surveys, &c. The first bill, being similar to the one al- 
ready rejected by the president, was returned by him to the 
senate, where it originated, with a reference to the message 
on the Maysville bill for his reasons. 

The other two bills were retained by the president for 
further consideration, until the next session of Congress. — 
This determination of the executive against the system of 
internal improvement, gave great offence to many of his 
friends, and entirely alienated some from his party. Even 
in congress such an increasing want of confidence was man- 
ifested, that the decided majorities which the administra- 



120 political landmarks; 

tion possessed in both houses at the commencement of the 
session, had dwindled before its close into feeble and ineffi- 
cient minorities. Nor was this the only difficulty in which 
the executive was involved by the course he had taken on 
internal improvement. He had sanctioned a bill for con- 
tinuing the Cumberland road, and making other appropria- 
tions for roads and surveys ; and another for the improve- 
ment of harbors and rivers, both of which were branches in 
the general system of internal improvement. The former 
bill he approved of, with a qualification, by referring to a 
message sent to the house, together with the bill, wherein 
he declared, that as a section appropriating $8,000 for the 
road from Detroit to Chicago, might be construed to author- 
ize the application of the appropriation to continue the road 
beyond the territory of Michigan, he desired to be under- 
stood as having approved the bill, with the understanding 
that the road was not to be extended beyond the limits of 
the said territory and that it should be regarded strictly as 
a military thoroughfare. 

The approval of the acts authorizing the appropriations 
above mentioned, left it still doubtful how far the president 
felt at liberty to assent to internal improvement bills, and of 
the exact extent and limits of the principles by which he in- 
tended to be governed during the residue ofhis administration. 

The most important of the foreign relations of the United 
States left unsettled by President Adams, were those of the 
commercial intercourse with Great Britain, and the bound- 
aries between the American colonies of that power and the 
United States : and the claims of the United States on France 
for indemnity on account of depredations on our commerce 
and navigation. Efforts had been making, for more than 
ten years, to obtain compensation for these losses, but the 
subject had not been finally and satisfactorily settled. And 
the restrictions imposed by the British government on the 
trade between the British colonies and the United States 
had not been removed. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 121 

In 1829, President Jackson appointed Louis M'Lane, of 
Delaware, envoy to Great Britain, William G. Rives, of 
Virginia, to France, and Cornelius P. Van Ness to Spain. 

By an act of congress of May, 1830, provision was made 
for reviving and opening the direct trade with the British 
ports, in the West India islands, which had long been pre- 
vented by the measures of the British government. 

A negociation, which occupied much time to consummate, 
was entered into, and upon the conclusion of which the pre- 
sident issued a proclamation, dated October 5th, T830, open- 
ing the ports of the United States to British vessels from all 
the British colonies on or near the North-American con- 
tinent, and declaring the acts of congress of 1818, 1820, and 
1823, absolutely repealed. The trade in British vessels, 
accordingly, at once commenced, and on the 5th of Novem- 
ber following, the British government, by an order of coun- 
cil, opened the colonial ports to vessels of the United States. 

The controversy was thus terminated, and, although the 
principle of reciprocity was so far given up as to concede 
to Great Britain the circuitous voyage as well as the right 
to encourage the indirect importation of American produce, 
through the northern colonies, by augmenting the duties on 
the direct importation, the United States, on their part, 
gained a participation in the direct intercourse, upon terms 
of reciprocity, and the additional privilege of exporting 
goods from the British colonies to foreign countries. The 
controversy .resulted, substantially, to the advantage of 
Ameriban interests, although the principle contended for 
by Great Britain prevailed. 

The subject of internal improvement was again agitated 
at this session of Congress. The president returned the 
two bills heretofore mentioned, which he had retained at the 
last session, and he now gave his reasons for withholding 
his assent to them, He objected to the power of making 
internal improvements by the general government, and re- 
commended ihe distribution of the surplus iunds in the 

t 



122 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

tional treasury among the states, in proportion to the num.- 
^ber of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects 
of internal improvement. 

The proposition was generally regarded as evidence of 
the hostility of the president to the whole policy ; and that 
part of his message being referred to the committee on in- 
ternal improvement, a report was brought in by Mr. Hamp- 
hill, an administration member of the house from Pennsyl- 
vania, stroggly and pointedly condemning the views con- 
tained in the message, and concluding with a resolution that 
it is expedient for the general government to continue to 
prosecute internal improvements by direct appropriations of 
money, or by subscriptions for stock in companies incorpo- 
rated in the respective states. 

This intimation on the part of the friends of internal im- 
provement, of their determination to act on that question 
in defiance of the opinions of the president, was followed 
up by the introduction of several bills for the internal im- 
provement of the country. The first of these bills was one 
making appropriations for the -improvement of harbors, and 
removing obstructions in rivers, It passed the house by a 
vote of 136 yeas to 53 nays, and the senate by 28 to 6. 

The decisive votes in both houses, on this bill showed the 
determination of congress to act on the subject of internal 
improvement, without regard to the veto of the president, 
and as the friends of the bill now formed more than two- 
thirds of congress, the executive yields his scruples to the 
force of public opinion, and signed the bill. The constitu- 
tional objection to the power of the federal government, 
no longer adhered to by the president, and h. j also gave his 
assent to a bill making large appropriations for carrying on 
certain roads and works of internal improvement, including 
improvements of rivers, and providing for surveys. The 
bill for building light-houses passed by large majorities and 
was also sanctioned by the president. 
I 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 123 

The executive thus yielded to public opinion, expressed 
in congress, and by the decisive votes given in both houses, 
the policy of internal improvement was. considered as firmly 
established, although the action of the federal government 
in relation to the system had been checked by the previous 
vetoes of the president. 

An act was passed at the second session, for the relief of 
certain insolvent debtors of the United States, extending to 
all debtors to the general government, except the principals 
on official bonds, or such as had received the public moneys 
and not paid the same over to the treasury. 

The alienation of feeling between the president and a 
large portion of his early and prominent supporters, in con- 
sequence of his dispute with the vice-president, had existed 
some months before it was generally suspected. From the 
moment when the breach was produced between the presi- 
dent and vice-president, Mr. Van Buren was consulted by 
the president on all occasions. 

It had now become a desirable object to effect the re- 
election of President Jackson. The difficulty of uniting the 
dominant party upon a succession, had induced him to re- 
linquish his professed intention of serving but one term, and 
now he was formally announced as a candidate for re-elec- 
tion. He was nominated by his. friends in the legislature 
of Pennsylvania, and at the caucus of the Jackson members 
of the legislature of New- York, on the 13th of February, 
1830, it was resolved that General Jackson ought again to 
be nominated for the presidency. This movement, (says- 
Mr* Hammond, in his political history of New-York) was 
probably made at the suggestion of Mr. Van Buren, or some 
ofmis confidential friends. It was well known that Mr. 
Van Buren expected to be the suceessor of General Jack- 
son. This would afford evidence of the ardent personal at- 
tachment of Mr. Van Buren's immediate friends to General 
Jackson, and aid in securing to that gentleman the contin- 
ued confidence and support of the president, 



124 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

General Jackson had, before his election in 1828, express- 
ed an opinion that the president ought to hold his office but 
one term, and had recommended an amendment of the con- 
stitution to render the president ineligible to two successive 
elections. But in 1831 he yielded to the importunity ot his 
political friends, and consented to be a candidate for re- 
election. 

It is more than probable that the friends of Mr. Calhoun 
looked to him as the successor of General Jackson, and ex- 
pected, from the repeated declarations of the president, that 
he would not allow himself to be again a candidate. They 
could not, therefore, have learned with much complacency, 
that the president had changed his determination. " Accor- 
dingly, it will have been perceived that the solicitations that 
General Jackson would consent to a re-election, originated, 
generally with the friends of Mr. Van Buren. 

In this posture of affairs the country was astonished by 
the information promulgated on the 20th of April, 1831, 
through the official journal, at the seat of government, 
that the cabinet ministers of the president had resigned, 
and the, most lively curiosity was manifested to learn the 
causes of this unexpected movement. The letters of the 
several members of the cabinet were published, but they 
served to inflame rather than to gratify the public feeling. 
The secretary of war, Mr. Eaton, first resigned, without 
assigning any reason, on the 7th of April, and he was fol- 
lowed by the secretary of state, Mr. Van Buren, on the 1 1th 
of April, who assigned as a reason, that circunistaiices 
beyond his control had presented him before the public as 
a candidate for the succession to the presidency, and ibat 
the injurious effects necessarily resulting from a cabinet 
minister's holding that relation to the country, had left him 
only the alternative of retiring from the administration, or 
of submitting to a self-disfranchisement. hardly reconcil- 
able with propriety or self-respect. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 125 

Mr. Ingham, secretary of the treasury, and Mr, Branch, 
secretary of the navy, soon after resigned. Their resigna- 
tions were accepted by the president, in formal letters, ex- 
pressing his satisfaction with their official conduct, and 
stating his motive for requiring their resignation. This 
was, to use his own words, that having concluded to accept 
the resignation of the secretaries of state and of war, he 
had come to the conviction that he must entirely renew his 
cabinet. "Its members had been invited by me," he said, 
" to the stations they occupied. It had come together in 
great harmony, and as a unit. Under the circumstances 
in which I found myself, I could not but perceive the pro- 
priety of selecting a cabinet composed of entirely new ma- 
terials, as being calculated, in this respect at least, to com- 
mand public confidence and satisfy public opinion." 

The attorney-general, Mr. Berrien, on his arrival, from 
Georgia, also resigned on the 15th June. 

The consequence of this explosion of the cabinet, and 
the quarrel between the president and vice-president before 
mentioned, was to place the latter, and his friends generally 
in opposition to the administration, and to advance the po- 
litical fortunes of Mr. Van Buren, in consequence of his 
close connexion with General Jackson and those devoted to 
his interest. . 

The new cabinet, which was not completely organized 
until late in the summer of 1831, was constituted as follows : 

Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state: 
Louis M'Lane, of Delaware, secretary of the treasury; 
Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war ; Levi Woodbury, o 
New-Hampshire, secretary of the navy ; Roger B. Taney, 
of Maryland, attorney-general. 

This cabinet was not only superior to that which preceded 
it, but might fairly compare, in point of talent and ability, 
with most of those of previous administrations ; and its 
character furnished strong testimony of the tribute paid to 



126 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

public opinion in the selection of his advisers, by a chief 
magistrate of great personal popularity. 

Before the organization of this cabinet, an opposition 
was formed to the re-election of General Jackson on various 
grounds. This party, in some portions of the Union called 
" national republicans," manifested a disposition to support 
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, as its candidate for the presiden- 
cy. He was accordingly nominated by the legislatures of 
several states, and a national nominating convention was 
recommended to be held at Baltimore, on the 1:2th of De- 
cember, 1831. 

The opposition party which rallied under the name of 
" national republican," was composed principally of the 
friends of the late administration, and those who had op- 
• posed Mr. Adams, but were now dissatisfied with the course 
of General Jackson, excepting the friends of the vice-pre- 
sident, who formed a distinct section of the opposition. 

Another party, at first merely local, had arisen previous 
to these events, was fast gathereing strength, and had now 
so far extended itself as to assume consequence as a national 
party, and claimed the right of being consulted as to the 
candidates to be nominated for president and vice-president. 
This was called the anti-masonic party, and had its origin 
in the abduction and supposed murder of William Morgan, 
a citizen of western New-York, which affair took place in 
1826, in consequence of an alleged violation of his masonic 
obligations, and a disclosure, real or pretended, of the se- 
crets of free-masonry. This caused the organization of a 
political party in the western part of the state of New-York,, 
which gradually extended into some of the adjoining states, 
upon the simple ground of hostility to masonry. 

Having met with partial success in elections in several of 
the states, the anti-masons held a national convention at 
Philadelphia, in September, 1S30, which was attended by 
delegates from eleven of the northern and middle states. 
After adopting various proceedings against masonry, they 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 127 

recowmended a national contention to be held at Baltimore, 
in September, 1831, for the purpose of nominating candi- 
dates for president and vice-president of the United States. 

• The effect of the political organization of the anti-masons 
was to compel a more strict and intimate union among the 
adhering members of the fraternity, and to induce them to 
exercise a more direct influence in the politics of the country, 
in the hope of crushing a party whose avowed object was the 
annihilation of their order. In some parts of the country, 
where the leading national republicans showed a disposition 
to unite with the anti-masons, many of the most zealous 
masons forsook their political association with the former 
party, and to oppose the anti-masonic party, with efficiency, 
joined the ranks of the administration. 

Thus the opposition to General Jackson seemed destined 
to be as much thwarted by their own divisions as by the 
discipline and concert prevailing in the party sustaining his 
administration. It was, indeed, believed^ that it would be 
practicable to concentrate the votes of the anti-masons and 
national republicans on one candidate for the presidency. 
Mr. Clay being a mason, his nomination by the anti-masons 
was out of the question. When the anti-masonic convention 
assembled at Baltimore, in September, 1831, it was expected 
that John M'Lean, of Ohio, formerly post-master general, 
and appointed by General Jackson a judge of the supreme 
court, would receive the nomination of that party for the 
presidency, but he declined, and William Wirt, of Maryland, 
formerly attorney-general of the United States was nomina- 
ted for president, and Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, for 
vice-president. 

The national republicans, on their part, professed great 
confidence in the integrity and qualifications of Mr. Wirt, 
but insisted that they could not with honor, sacrifice Mr. Clay 
to what they denominated an unreasonable prejudice, nor 
could they, consistently with their self-respect, give up the 



128 political landmarks; 

candidate of the great majority of the opposition, to^uiet 
the scruples *of the minority. 

Shortly after his resignation as secretary of state Mr. Van 
Buren received from the president the appointment of min- 
ister to England, and embarked for London in August, during 
the recess of the senate. 

The twenty-second congress commenced its first session 
on the 5th of December, 1831, and continued the sane 
until the 16th of July, 1832. The elections had evinced a 
large majority of the members chosen to the house of repre- 
sentatives in favor of the administration, but the vote for 
speaker exhibited a considerable increase in the strength of 
the opposition, although divided. The candidate of the ad- 
ministration, Andrew Stevenson, was elected by 98 votes, 
against 97 for all other persons ; thus receiving the exact 
number necessary, to constitute a choice. 

The appointments made during the recess were nomina-* 
ted to the senate early in December, and on the 10th of 
January the committee on foreign relations reported in favor 
of Martin Van Buren, minister to England, Aaron Vail, sec- 
retary of legation, and Louis M'Lane secretary of the trea- 
sury. On the 13th of January the other nominations were 
confirmed, but that of Mr. Van Buren was laid on the table, 
by the casting vote of the vice-president, John C. Calhoun. 
When this nomination came before the senate, it was warmly 
opposed on two distinct grounds. Four of the senators, who 
were friends of the vice-president, declared themselves oppo- 
sed to its confirmation, on account of the agency of Mr. Van 
Buren in breaking up the late cabinet, and in the domestic 
politics of the <*>untry. 

After a full discussion on this nomination, with closed 
doors, the senate, finally, by the casting vote of the vice- 
president, John C. Calhoun, resolved not to confirm the no- 
mination, yeas 23, nays 23. Mr. Van Buren was accor- 
dingly rejected, and, soon after having presented his cre- 
dentials, was compelled to return to the United States. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 129 

This being the first time that a minister of the United 
States had been compelled to return from his post, on ac- 
count of the refusal of the senate to concur in his appoint- 
ment, great excitement wasproduced by this decision,- which 
resulted finally in placing Mr. Van Buren in the presiden- 
tial chair. 

Among the most urgent subjects of consideration at the 
present session of congress, was the apportionment of re- 
presentation according to the census of 1830. By that cen- 
sus, the southern and eastern states had lost a portion of 
their relative weight, and the western states had acquired a 
greater preponderance than before. With the view of giv- 
ing each state the power intended by the constitution, at the 
next presidential election, steps were taken to bring this 
subject at an early day before the consideration of the house, 
and on the fourth of January, Mr. Polk, from a select com- 
mittee, reported a bill fixing the ratio of representation un- 
der the fifth census of the United States. By that report 
the ratio was fixed at one representative for forty-eight 
thousand inhabitants, according to the federal enumeration, 
which would increase the number of members to 237. This 
ratio was at first adopted by the house, after a long debate, 
but afterward stricken out, and the number fixed at forty- 
seven thousand seven hundred, in which form the bill finally 
passed, and became a law in May, 1832. The senate 
amended the bill, and sent it back to the house but the house 
disagreed to the amendment, and the senate receded there- 
from. By the census of 1790, the ratio fixed on was thirty- 
three thousand ; by that of 1800 the same ratio was contin- 
ued ; in 1810 it was fixed at thirty-five thousand ; in 1820, 
forty thousand ; and by the census of 1830, forty-seven 
thousand seven hundred. 

Many subjects of great interest came under the conside- 
ration of congress at this session ; and among them none 
excited more of the public attention than that of the renewal 
of the. charter of the bank of the United States. That in- 



130 political landmarks; 

stitution was incorporated, as we have stated, in 1816, du- 
ring Mr. Madison's administration, by a democratic con- 
gress, for the term of twenty years ; of course, the charter 
would expire in 1836. In the first message of General Jack- 
son to congress, namely, in 1329, he expressed an opinion 
against the constitutionality and expediency of the bank, 
and an assertion that it had failed in the great end of estab- 
lishing a uniform and sound currencj. 

The attack was renewed in the next annual message, in 
1830; and congress was recommended to inquire into the 
expediency of renewing the charter of the existing bank, 
with the view of substituting in its place a bank based on 
the public deposites, but without the power of making loans* 
or purchasing property. This recommendation met with 
no better reception than that contained in the previous mes- 
sage. No steps were taken by either house upon the sub- 
ject, at that session. The bank made no application to con- 
gress, and when Mr. Benton asked for leave to introduce a 
resolution in the senate adverse to the renewal of the char- 
ter, that body refused permission by a vote of '23 nays to 20 
ayes. The stock maintained its price in market, and in 
the message of the president at the opening of the twenty- 
second congress, in December, 1831, his objections to the 
bank were expressed for the third time. 

The. directors and stockholders of the bank, now deemed 
it proper to submit the claims of the institution for an ex- 
tension of its charter to congress. A memorial to this ef- 
fect was therefore presented, on the part of the bank of the 
United States, and no sooner was this determined upon, 
than the friends of the president began to express their dis- 
satisfaction at being forced to act upon the subject at this 
time. It was too early, they said, notwithstanding the pre- 
sident had not deemed it too early for congress to act upon 
the matter two years before. A memorial having been pre- 
sented in the senate, on the 9th qf January, by Mr. Dallas, an 
administration senator from Pennsylvania, it was referred 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 131 

to a select committee for consideration. On the 13th of 
March this committee reported in favor of renewing the 
charter for fifteen years, with certain modifications. A bill 
accompanied this report, which was ordered to a second 
reading, and then laid upon the table of the senate, until af- 
ter the report of the committee appointed by the house of 
representatives to inquire into the affairs of the bank. • 

It was in that body that the main battle concerning the 
bank was to be fought. The memorial of the bank was pre- 
sented by Mr. M'Duffie, of South Carolina, and referred to 
the committee of ways and means, by whom, on the 10th 
of February, a report was made in favor of the renewal of 
the charter. A motion was then made by the opponents of 
the bank for a committee of inquiry into the affairs of the 
bank. Two reports were made by this committee : one 
from the majority, adverse to the bank, and another from 
the minority, favorable to the institution. 

On the 22d of May, the bill for a renewal of the charter 
was taken up in the senate, and after a long discussion and 
undergoing various amendments, the bill finally passed the. 
senate, on the 11th of June, by a vote of yeas 2&, noes 20. 
When it came into the house, strenuous exertions were 
made to postpone its consideration, but it was made the 
special order of the day for the 18th of June. The house 
being then engaged on the tariff, it was not taken up until 
the 30th of June, and it finally passed that body on the 3d 
of July, by 107 yeas, to 85 nays ; and an amendment pro-* 
posed by Mr. M'Duffie, being concurred in by the senate, 
the bill was sent to the president for his decision. It was 
by many apprehended that he would resort to the mode pre- 
viously adopted by him, and that he would retain it until 
after the adjournment of congress. To prevent this, the 
senate declined acting on the resolution of adjournment un- 
til the bill had been* sent to him for concurrence, and then 
the 16th of July was inserted, so as to leave him full ten 



132 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

days, exclusive of Sundays, by which he was compelled to 
return the bill to congress, or permit it to become a law. 

On the 10th of July, the next day after the senate had 
fixed the time of adjournment, the president sent a message 
to that body, stating his reasons for refusing his signature 
to the bill. 

This veto-message having been read, Mr. Webster moved 
that the senate should proceed to reconsider the bill the next 
day. At the appointed hour, the bill being again brought 
under the consideration of the senate, Mr. Webster review- 
ed the reason and arguments of the executive at length, to 
which Mr. White of Tennessee, replied; and the discussion 
was contiuued until the 13th of July, when the question 
being taken on the passage of the bill, notwithstanding the 
objections of the president, the senate divided — yeas 22, 
nays 19 ; and the bill, not having received two thirds of the 
votes, was of course rejected. 

The president's bank-veto message was circulated exten- 
sively throughout the Union, and proved a popular docu- • 
ment in his favor in its effects on the public mind, wher- 
ever the bank was but little known, or in ill favor. Many 
of the polftical friends of the president, however, as well 
among the people, as in congress, differed in opinion from 
him on the subject of the bank. In the state of Pennsylva- 
nia, where the bank was located, and where the institution 
was popular, the president's course was severely censured, 
and the strength of the administration so much diminished, 
as at one period to make its success doubtful. At a very 
large meeting of citizens of Philadelphia, composed of his 
former political friends, in July 1832, soon after the veto 
of the president, resolutions were adopted disapproving of 
his course with regard to the bank and other public mea- 
sures, and deprecating his re-election to the presidency as 
a national calamity, which they pledged themselves " to use 
all lawful and honorable means to avert, by opposing the 
re-election of Andrew Jackson." 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 133 

The subject of internal improvement was discussed at 
length during the session. The members from the south, 
and the supporters of the administration from the eastern 
states and New- York, were decidedly opposed to appropria- 
tions of this character ; and a systematic effort was generally 
made by them to defeat the bill introduced making appro- 
priations for that object, including the improvement of cer- 
tain rivers and harbors, the Cumberland and other roads, 
surveys, &>c. The bill finally passed both houses, and 
having received the sanction of the president, became a 
law. By the act, as amended in its passage, -various appro- 
priations were made for works not enumerated : it having 
been extended by these amendments to an amount exceed- 
ing one million two hundred thousand dollars, and altogether 
beyond its original scope — adding thus an additional sanc- 
tion to the policy of internal improvement. 

The other appropriations for internal improvement were 
contained in a bill for the improvement of certain harbors 
and rivers, which was not taken up in the house until the 
25th of May. Certain amendments were then made ; and 
on the first of June, a motion by Mr. Polk of Tennessee, to 
strike out the enacting clause, was lost — yeas 72, nays 101 
— and the bill finally passed, 95 to 67. In the senate, it 
was taken up on the 3d of July, and in the course of the 
discussion which ensued, Mr. Clay, " expressed his extreme 
surprise that the president, after putting his veto on the 
appropriations for works of such public utility as the Mays- 
ville and Rockville roads, should have sanctioned the in- 
ternal improvement bill in which appropriations were made 
to a very large amount, and which differed in principle not 
one particle from the one he had rejected? They first held 
appropriations for certain objects of internal improvement 
to be unconstitutional, and then sanctioned appropriations 
for other objects depending entirely on the same principles 
with those held to be unconstitutional ; and the result has 
been to open an entire new field of internal improvement, 



134 • POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

Favorite objects had been considered constitutional, while 
objects in states not so much cherished, had been held to 
be local." Mr. Miller, of South-Carolina, said : " We have 
just. heard that the president has signed the internal impro- 
vement bill, containing appropriations for the most limited 
and local purposes. I hcpe we shall never again be. referred 
to the veto of the Maysville and Rockville roads, as a secu- 
rity against this system. The senate and house of repre- 
sentatives, and the president, all concur in this power." 

The harbor bill, as it was called, passed the senate, and 
was sent to the president for his approbation, on the 13th 
of July, three days before the close of the session. This 
bill which did not differ in principle from the internal im- 
provement bill which he had signed, the president resolved 
not to sanction, but retained the bill until after the adjourn- 
ment of congress, and thus prevented it from becoming a 
law. 

The same course was adopted by the president, in rela- 
tion to a bill providing for the repayment to the respective 
states of all interest actually paid, for moneys borrowed by 
them on account of the federal government, and expended 
in the service of the United States. This bill was passed 
by both houses at this session, but when it came into the 
• hands of the president, it was doomed to the fate of the 
harbor bill. 

The president having in his annual message, recommend- 
ed a modification of the tariff of duties on imports the sub- 
ject was referred to the committee on manufactures, which 
as well as the committee of ways and means,. who had been 
selected by the speaker (who was hostile to the protective 
system) with a view to a reduction of the tariff. Mr. John 
Quincy Adams was placed at the head of the committee on 
manufactures, whieh, on the 23d of May, reported a new 
tariff bill. Mr. M'Duffie, chairman of the committee of 
ways and means, had, at an earlier period of the session, 
namely, on the 8th of February, reported a bill intended to 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 135 

meet the ultra opponents of the protective system, and the 
report which accompanied it denounced the tariff system 
as imposing a tax upon the south for the benefit of the 
north. The secretary of the treasury, Mr. M'Lane, on the 
27th of April also transmitted to congress, in compliance 
with a resolution of the house, a bill for the reduction of 
the tariff*, with a report giving his views on this topic. 

Before the report of the secretary was printed, Mr. 
M'Duffiy brought on a discussion of the bill reported by 
him. On the first of June a motion was made to strike out 
the first section, which was carried — 81 yeas'to 41 nays. 

Mr. Adams' bill was then taken up, and after a long and 
animated discussion, it passed the house, with few amend- 
ments, by 132 yeas to 66 nays, many of the opponents of 
protection voting in the affirmative. The bill finally passed 
the senate on the 9th of July, yeas 32, nays 16, and recei- 
ving the sanction of the president became a law. 

This act provided for a great reduction of the revenue, 
and for no small diminution of the duties on the protected 
articles of domestic manufacture, but it was a direct ad- 
mission of the principle of protection, and it was so re- 
garded by all parties. It was, however, a great concession 
on the part of the friends of the protective system, to the 
advocates of " free trade," and as such, a general expecta- 
tation prevailed that it would be received by the dominant 
party in South-Carolina, and that a temporary calm at least 
would succeed the agitation upon this exciting topic. 

Different views, it appeared, were entertained by the 
leaders of that party, and the very day after 'the passage of 
this act, the representatives of South-Carolina, who thought 
nullification the right remedy, met at Washington, and 
published an address to the people of South-Carolina on 
the subject of the tariff. In that address they assert, that 
in the act just passed the duties upon the protected articles 
were augmented, while the diminution was made only in 
the duties upon the unprotected articles ; that in this man- 



136 political landmarks; 

ner the burden of supporting the government was thrown 
exclusively on the southern states, and the other states 
gained more than they lost by the operations of the revenue 
system. 

The address concludes thus : " They will not pretend to 
suggest the appropriate remedy, but after expressing their 
solemn and deliberate conviction that the protecting system 
must now be regarded as the settled policy of the country, 
and that all hope of relief from congress is irrevocably gone, 
they leave it with you, the sovereign power of the state, to 
determine whether the rights and liberties which you re- 
ceived as a precious inheritance from an illustrious ancestry, 
shall be tamely surrendered without a struggle, or trans- 
mitted undiminished to your posterity." 

Meetings were accordingly held in South-Carolina, de- ( 
nouncing the tariff, which had just received the sanction of 
congress, and pledging the persons attending to support the 
state government in any measures it might adopt to resist it. 
Strong efforts were made to excite the people of the state 
against the general government, and notwithstanding the 
exertions of a respectable portion of the community, who 
remained faithful to the union, they succeeded in obtaining 
a majority in both houses of the legislature. 

As soon as this was ascertained, Governor Hamilton con- 
vened the legislature, which met at Columbia, on the 22d 
of October, 1832. Immediately upon its assembling, the 
tariff question was taken up, and a bill was reported au- 
thorizing a convention to meet at Columbia on the 19th of 
next month. This bill finally passed on the 25th of Octo- 
ber, in the senate 31 to 13, and in the house 96 to 

The state convention met at the time appointed, and the 
governor was elected president of that body. The annual 
meeting of congress was at hand, and if any impression was 
to be made upon that body, it could only be done by prompt 
and decisive moremenj 
States generally no in ide, A general 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 137 

sentiment pervaded the union, that it was better to appeal 
to the power of the government to enforce the laws, than 
longer to encourage a spirit of insubordination by yielding 
to demands which, originating in a feeling of arrogance, 
were rendered more unreasonable by concession. Still, 
however, all hasty movements were deprecated, and so long 
as the nullifiers confined themselves to discussions and re- 
solves, any interference on the part of the general govern- 
ment would have been deemed improper. Nothing but 
actual resistance to the laws of the United States could jus- 
tify such interposition. The time of forbearance, however, 
was now rapidly passing away. 

The committee of the convention, to whom was intrusted 
the duty of reporting what steps should be taken, recom- 
mended the passage of an ordinance, which declared all the 
acts of congress imposing duties on imported goods, and 
more especially the laws of May 19th, 1828, and July 14th, 
1832, to be null and void within the state of South-Carolina. 
It further provided, that no appeal should be permitted to 
the supreme court of the United States in any question con- 
cerning the validity of the ordinance, or of the laws passed 
to give effect thereto. It also prohibited the authorities of 
the state, or of the United States, from enforcing the pay- 
ment of duties within the state, from and after the 1st of 
February, 1833. . There were various other provisions in 
this ordinance, which concluded with- a declaration that any 
attempt on the part of the general government to reduce the 
state to obedience, or to enforce the revenue laws, otherwise 
than through the civil tribunals, would be deemed incon- 
sistent with the longer continuance of South-Carolina in the 
union, and that the people of the state would forthwith pro- 
ceed to organize a corporate and independent government. 
By this ordinance, the rubicon was passed, and the state 
government forthwith proceeded to take the necessary steps 
to carry it into effect. 

The legislature, which met directly after the adjournment 
of the convention, on the 27th of November, 1832, passed 

6* 



188 political landmarks; 

the laws required by the ordinance. Thees related princi- 
pally to the nullification of the revenue laws of the United 
States, by prohibiting their enforcement within the state. 
An additional act was passed authorizing the governor to 
call the militia into service to resist any attempt on the part 
of the government of the United States to enforce the revenue 
laws; and to render the resistance of the state effectual, he 
was empowered to call out the whole military force of the 
state, and to accept of the services of volunteers for the same 
purpose. Ten thousand stand of small arms, and the re- 
quisite quantity of military munitions, were ordered to be 
purchased, and any acts done in pursuance of that law, were 
to be held lawful in the state courts. 

These proceedings by the party that had obtained pos- 
session of the state government, brought on an issue between 
the state and the federal governments, that could no longer 
be neglected. The very existence of the government de- 
pended upon its decision. South-Carolina had set at defi- 
ance the authority of the general government, and declared 
that no umpire should be admitted to decide between the 
contending parties. 

It had, in its capacity as a sovereign state, decided the 
question for itself, and its decision could be reversed only 
by superior force. In taking this stand, the nullifiers appar- 
ently had not perceived, that, although their principles were 
precisely those which Georgia had carried into effect into 
her affairs with the Indians, the subject-matters more directly 
affected the existence of the government. Five sixths of the 
revenue were derived from the customs, and the abolition of 
the duties in one state, would necessarily destroy the revenue 
system, and of course suspend the operations of the federal 
government. While the nullification of Georgia only tended 
to bring the federal government into contempt, and weak- 
ened the bonds of the union, that of South-Carolina at 
once severed those bonds, and arrested the action of the 
government. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 139 

At such a crisis, the president felt that* there was no room 
for hesitation. The difficulty must be met, not only to save 
the union from being broken up, but to protect those citi- 
zens of South-Carolina who still adhered to its standard, 
from the horrors of civil discord. The president determined 
to come at once to an issue with the nullifiers : to place the 
powers' of the government upon the broad ground, that the 
federal judiciary was the only proper tribunal to decide 
upon the constitutionality of its laws ; and to enforce the 
revenue acts with an entire disregard to the pretended rights 
of sovereignity which were assumed by the state of South- 
Carolina. 

With that view, all the disposable military force was 
ordered to assemble at Charleston, and a sloop-of-war was 
sent to that port to protect the federal officers, in case of 
necessity, in the execution of their duty. On the 10th of 
December, the eloquent and energetic proclamation of the 
president was issued, plainly and forcibly stating the nature 
of the American government and the supremacy of the fed- 
-eral authorities in all matters entrusted to their care, and 
exhorting the citizens of South-Carolina not to persist in 
a course which must bring upon their state the force of 
the confederacy, and expose the union to the hazard of 
dissolution. 

A difficulty occured in 1832 with the Sack and Fox tribe 
of Indians, who, with Black Hawk at their head, commenced 
an attack upon the settlers of the upper Mississippi. The 
war lasted but a few months. 

About this same time arose the difficulty on the north- 
eastern border of the United States, in relation to the Maine 
boundary line, which however, was soon brought to a close 
in a satisfactory manner to all parties. 

Generally the foreign relations of the country were con- 
ducted with ability as well as energy, by the administration 
'of General Jackson. In the course of the year 1831, trea- 
ties were concluded and ratified with the republic of Mex- 



140 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

ico — one relating to boundaries. between the two countries, 
and the other to commerce and navigation. " Mr. Rives, our 
minister to France, also concluded a treaty, between the 
United States and the king of the French, which was sign- 
ed -at Paris in July, 1831, on the subject of claims for de- 
predations committed on American commerce, under the 
government of the directory, the first consul, and the em- 
peror. Negotiations for this purpose had been long con- 
tinued, by various ministers from the United States, but no 
satisfactory terms had been definitely settled. The French 
government had set up an opposing claim, on account of 
the non-fulfillment of a treaty made in 1778 between the 
United States and the king of France for the assistance of 
the former to defend the West India islands of the latter, if 
attacked by the British. The American government con- 
tended that they were exonerated of all such demands by 
the government of France, by subsequent events. The 
change in the French government, by the revolution of 
1830, enabled Mr. Rives to bring the long-pending nego- 
tiations to a close. By this treaty the French government 
agreed to pay to the United States, in complete satisfaction 
of all claims of American citizens for depradations on thei r 
commerce, twenty-five millions of francs, or nearly five mil- 
lions of dollars, in six annual instalments. One and a half 
million of francs were to be allowed by the American gov- 
ernment to France or French citizens, for ancient supplies, 
accounts or other claims. An additional article was inser- 
ted, by which the United States engaged to reduce the du- 
ties on French wines for ten years in consideration of which 
stipulation France agreed to reduce the duties on the long 
staple cotton of the United States to the same rates as on 
short staple cotton, and to abandon all claims for indemni- 
ty under the Louisiana treaty. The sum thus stipulated to 
be paid by France, did not amount to more than one third 
of the just claims of the citizens of the United States, but 
their liquidation, even upon terms comparatively unfavora- 
ble, wa6 so desirable, that the conclusion of this treaty was 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 141 

hailed with universal satisfaction by all parties. After de- 
liberate consideration, it was sanctioned, by the senate ; but 
the French chamber of deputies refused to make the appro- 
priation to carry the treaty into effect, and the delay furnish- 
ed occasion for an unpleasant dispute between the two 
countries, which was not terminated until the final settle- 
ment of the affair in 1836. 

Many amusing incidents occurred during the existence 
of the excitement upon this question, one of which will be 
relate^, as nearly as memory serves us. The French Min- 
ister, stationed at Washington, about to return to France, 
called upotf the president and asked him what he should say 
to the king, in relation to the difficulties existing between 
the United States and France, to which the president prompt- 
ly replied : " Tell the king, your master, that Andrew Jack- 
son says, lie must pay or fight !" 

The administration of General Jackson had been emi- 
nently successful in the management of our foreign affairs, 
and the negotiation of numerous treaties contributed large- 
ly to sustain the popularity of the president, tending also to 
insure his re-election. 

The tone of the government toward foreign nations du- 
ring General Jackson's administration was moderate but 
firm, and the honor and interest of the country were main- 
tained in a manner indicative both of spirit and ability. 

The first presidential term of General Jackson was now 
drawing to a close, and parties arrayed themselves for the 
approaching election. We have already mentioned the 
meeting of the anti-masonic convention, in September 1831, 
which nominated as a candidate for president, William 
Wirt, and for vice-president, Amos Ellmaker. The na- 
tional republican convention met at Baltimore in December 
1831, and nominated Henr^- Clay of Kentucky, for presi- 
dent, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for vice-presi- 
dent. In May, 1832, a numerous convention of delegates 
of the administration party met also at Baltimore for the 



142 political landmarks; 

purpose of nominating a candidate for vice-president to be 
placed on the ticket with General Jackson, to whose nomi- 
nation for re-election no dissent was manifested in the ad- 
ministration ranks. Martin Van Buren, of New-York was, 
with great unanimity, nominated for vice-president. The 
friends of the president insisted that he was personally dis- 
honored, by the rejection of Mr. Van Buren as minister to 
England; and that it was incumbent on his supporters to 
convince the world that he had not lost the confidence of 
his countrymen, by electing Mr. Van Buren to preside over 
the body which had declared that he was unworthy to re- 
present the country at the British court. 

This mode of reasoning prevailed, and, notwithstanding 
the objections of a few delegates from the states where Mr. 
Van Buren was unpopular, he received the vote of the ad- 
ministration party, for vice-president. 

The friends of Mr. Calhoun were entirely alienated from 
the administration by this nomination, and, although the 
ultra state-rights and nullifying doctrines espoused by his 
adherents prevented them from joining the opposition in 
their support of Mr. Clay, it was soon understood that the 
president had lost their confidence, and would not receive 
their suffrages. The character of the contest, however, 
effectually precluded them from openly lending their aid to 
overthrow the administration. It was a contest in relation 
to the powers of the federal government, although from the 
cautious and ambiguous manner in which the opinions of 
the executive were promulgated, the true nature of the 
question at issue was not fully understood by the people in 
certain portions of the union. Even where it was so un- 
derstood, no deep universal conviction prevailed that the 
result of this election would be decisive as to the power of 
the federal government. Many hoped, from the strong per- 
sonal enmity manifested toward Mr. Calhoun, that the pre- 
sident would finally be brought to oppose doctrines, of 
which that gentleman was now considered the chief advo- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 143 

cate ; and the experience of a few years had furnished 
ample proof, that he would not be deterred from taking that 
step by any apprehension of a charge of inconsistency. 
The further development of the views of the dominant party, 
in South-Carolina too, now began to excite great fears of a 
premeditated design to dissolve the union; and it was sup- 
posed, that while on one hand the inclination to anti-federal 
doctrines previously shown by the president, would pre- 
vent the dissaffection from extending itself to the other 
southern states; on the other, that the energitic manner in 
which he executed his decisions would completely put down 
the dangerous heresy of nullification, "and in the end 
strengthen the general government. 

The apprehension that the re-election of General Jackson 
would tend to unsettle the government, consequently did 
not operate upon the mass of the voters to the same extent 
as upon the leaders of the opposition. 

They were governed by the more obvious consideration 
growing out of the pressing question of nullification on the 
part of South-Carolna, and as he had declared himself op- 
posed to the pretensions of that state, the distant dangers to 
be apprehended from the effect of the principles advocated 
by the president in the Georgia controversy were by many 
disregarded. Even among the mass of those who professed 
to be governed by a desire to preserve the constitution from 
destruction there was a want of that untiring energy and 
self-devotion which flow from a deep conviction of the im- 
portance of a cause. An unwillingness to postpone plans 
of personal advancement, or to sacrifice individual preju- 
dices and private views to the good of the cause, too much 
characterized the opposition to the administration. Its 
members, professing great independence of character, were 
too apt to forget, that when combined effort is required, 
individual will must give way, and the plans of the party 
were constantly thwarted by the refusal of its members to 
unite upon a single candidate. 



144 POLITICAL landmarks; 

The anti-masons professed an equal dislike with the na- 
tional republicans to the principles and policy of the ad- 
ministration, and declared themselves ready to combine to 
defeat the election of General Jackson. Neither, however, 
were willing to yield to what they called the dictation of the 
other. 

Anti-masonic electoral tickets were formed in the states 
of Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, 
New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The national republicans 
adopted the anti-masonic tickets in New-York and Pennsyl- 
vania, but in the other states named, and the remaining 
.states of the union, with thh exception of three or four 
southern states, tickets were nominated favorable to Mr. 
Clay for the presidency. In Ohio the anti-masonic ticket 
for electors first nominated was withdrawn, and the contest 
in that state was between Jackson and Clay. 

While the two divisions of the opposition were prevented 
from coalescing, by what they considered insuperable ob- 
stacles, excepting the imperfect union in the three states 
named, the friends of the administration united in its sup- 
port with a zeal and earnestness which both deserved and 
insured success. Local divisions were done away; personal 
difficulties adjusted, and private quarrels forgotten in the 
general desire to promote the triumph of the party. The 
people at large, witnessing on one side so much party de- 
votion, and on the other so much of the opposite quality, 
were led to regard the cause of the administration with 
more favor than it would have obtained upon a mere view 
of its principles and policy. 

Although the elections for state officers in some of the 
states, in the autumn of 1832, were either favorable to the 
opposition, or, from the small majorities given in favor of 
the administration, they indicated, a close contest at the ap- 
proaching presidential election; the result of the latter was 
a complete triumph of. the electoral licket pledged to Jack- 
son and Van Buren. 



OR HI STORY OP PARTIES. 145 

The great military services of General Jackson had 
gained for him general popularity, and many who did not 
altogether approve of his measures, attributed his errors 
to mistaken views. His honesty of purpose was questioned 
by comparatively few, and all admired the boldness and 
firmness with which he pursued those measures that had 
been adopted and avowed as the policy of his administra- 
tion. 

He was styled, too, the representative of the democratic 
party, and the people were constantly assured that his sole 
object was to deprive the federal government only of those 
powers which it had usurped, and to bring it within the 
limits prescribed By the constitution. 

In the electoral colleges the votes for president and vice- 
president stood as follows : Andrew Jackson 219, Henry 
Clay 49, John Floyd 11, William Wirt, 7. For vice-presi- 
dent — Martin Van Buren 189, John Sergeant 49, William 
Wilkins 30, Henry Lee 11, Amos Ellmaker 7. The votes 
for John Floyd and Henry Lee were given by the state of 
South-Carolina. Pennsylvania refused to vote for Mr. Van 
Buren ; therefore Mr. Wilkins, one of the U. S. senators 
from that state, received the vote for vice-president. 

Considering this election with that of 1828, it will be ob- 
served, that General Jackson gained the votes of Maine 
(except one vote.) New-Hampshire, New- Jersey, and part 
of New-York, which were then given to Mr. Adams, while 
he now lost the vote of Kentucky and South-Carolina, which 
he received in 1828. The majority in the electoral colle- 
ges was not, however, a fair test of the measure of approba- 
tion bestowed upon his administration. 

The large majority received by General Jackson in the 
electoral colleges, however, was by him, and his*supporters 
generally, construed into an unqualified approval by his 
countrymen of all his measures, Upon all points where his 
course had been questioned by his opponents, his re-elec^ 
7 



146 political landmarks; 

tion was urged as a final decision of the people, from which 
there was no appeal. 

The second session of the twenty-second congress com- 
menced on the 4th of December, 1832, and continued un- 
til the expiration of their term, on the 3d of March, 1833. 
The president^™ tem. of the senate, Mr. Tazewell, having 
resigned, the Hon. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, was elect- 
ed in his place. On the 28th of December, the vice-presi- 
dent of the United States, Hon. John C. Calhoun, resigned 
that office, and was elected a senator from South-Carolina, 
in place of Mr. Hayne who had been chosen governor of the 
state. 

The secretary of the treasury, Mr. M'Lane, in his report 
to congress, urged upon that body a reduction of duty to 
the revenue standard, and declared that " there was not the 
same necessity for high protecting duties as that which was 
consulted in our past legislation." 

It was now distinctly foreseen that the final contest rela- 
ting to a protective tariff was about to be decided. Upon 
distributing the various subjects recommended to the con- 
sideration of congress, this was referred in the house to 
the committee of ways and means, of which Mr. Verplanck, 
of New-York, was chairman. 

Notwithstanding a new tariff had been adopted at the 
last session, after a lengthened discussion, and by large ma- 
jorities, it was now determined to remodel the whole, to 
conciliate its opponents at the south, and on the 2?th of 
December, a bill was reported by the committee of ways 
and .means, which was understood to embody the views of 
the administration. 

In the senate, also' the subject was taken up at an early 
period, and on the 13th of December, the chairman of the 
committee of finance presented a resolution calling on the 
secretary of the treasury for the plan and details of a bill in 
conformity with his suggestions. After some debate as to 
the propriety of calling on a branch of the executive depart- 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 147 

raent for an opinion, instead of facts of information, the re- 
solution was adopted. 

The bill reported in the house by Mr. Verplanck, pro- 
posed a dimunition on all the protected articles, to take 
effect immediately, and a second diminution on the 2d of 
March, 1834. By this bill, a great and immediate reduction 
was contemplated upon the chief manufactures of the coun- 
try, and a further reduction to the revenue standard in 1834. 
This would afford to the domestic manufacturer a protecting 
duty from 15 to 20 per cent., and with this advantage, the 
opponents of high duties argued that he should be content. 
On the other side, it was contended that the dimunition was 
too great, and that by suddenly bringing the duties down 
to the minimum point, the government would violate its faith 
with those, who had been induced to embark in manufactur- 
ing, by the adoption of what was declared to be the settled 
policy of the country, and who would be ruined by a sudden 
and unexpected withdrawal of the protection they enjoyed. • 

The bill of last session which was framed with the view 
of settling the question, had not been fairly tested, and it 
was insisted that such a vacillating course on the part of the 
government, was positive injustice to those who had vested 
their capital under the existing laws. 

While the discussion on the bill was going on new inter- 
est was imparted to the subject by a message from the pre- 
sident to congress, on the 16th of January, communicating 
the South-Carolina ordinance and nullifying laws, together 
with his own views as to what should be done under the 
existing state of affairs. Upon the message being read in 
tlTe senate, Mr. Calhoun repelled in the most earnest manner, 
the imputation of any hostile feelings or intentions against 
the union on the part of South-Carolina. The state authori- 
ties, he asserted, had looked only to a judicial decision upon 
the question, until the concentration of the United States 
troops at Charleston and Augusta had compelled them to 
make provisions to defend themselves, 



148 political landmarks; 

The judiciary committee, to whom the message was re- 
ferred, reported a bill to enforce the collection of the revenue 
where any obstructions were offered to the officers employed 
in that duty. It vested full power in the land and naval 
forces of the United States, if necessary to carry the revenue 
laws into effect. 

After the bill was reported to the senate, Mr. Calhoun 
offered a series of resolutions embodying his views and those " 
who sustained the doctrines of nullification, with regard to- 
the powers of the general government and the rights of the 
states. Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, offered other resolutions 
as substitutes for Mr. Calhoun's and which set forth the 
views of the administration. The latter were not deemed, 
by a portion of the senate, fully to set forth the character of 
the government, inasmuch as while they declare the several 
acts of congress laying duties on imports to be constitu- 
tional, and deny the power of a single state to annul them 
*or any other constitutional law, tacitly yield the whole doc- 
trine of nullification, by the implied admission that any un- 
constitutional law may be judged of by the state in the last 
resort, and annulled by the same authority. With the view 
of having placed upon record his opinions upon that point, 
Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, an opposition senator proposed a 
resolution, setting them forth, and declaring that "the sen- 
ate will not fail, in the faithful discharge of its most solemn 
duty, to support the executive in the just administration of 
the government, and clothe it with all constitutional power 
necessary to the faithful execution of the laws and the pre- 
servation of the Union." 

The whole subject was now before congress ; and the 
state legislatures, being generally in session, passed resolu- 
tions expressing their opinions as to the course which that 
body ought to adopt. 

tn the legislatures of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New- 
York, Delaware, Tennessee, Indiana, and M is; ouri, the doc- 
trines of nullification were entirely disclaimed, as destructive 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 149 

to the constitution. Those of North-Carolina and Alabama 
were no less explicit in condemning nullification, but they 
also expressed an opinion that the tariff was unconstitutional 
and inexpedient. 

The state of Georgia also reprobated the doctrine of nulli- 
fication, as unconstitutional by a vote of 102 to 51 in her 
legislature ; but it denounced the tariff in decided terms 
and proposed a convention of the states of Virginia, North- 
Carolina, South-Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, 
and Mississippi, to devise measures to obtain relief from 
that system. 

The legislature of Virginia assumed a more extraordinary 
ground. The subject was referred to a committee on fed- 
eral relations, and a general discussion was had on the 
powers of the government : and finally resolutions were 
passed, earnestly requesting South-Carolina not to proceed 
further under the ordinance of their convention to reduce 
the import duties to a revenue standard, and declaring that 
the people*of Virginia expect that the general government 
and the government of South-Carolina will carefully abstain 
from all acts calculated to disturb the tranquility of the 
country. 

After further resolving that they adhere to the principles 
of the Virginia resolutions of 1798, but that they do not 
consider them as sanctioning the proceedings of South- 
Carolina, or the president's proclamation, they proceeded to 
appoint Benjamin W. Leigh, as a commissioner on the part 
of the state, to proceed to South-Carolina, to communicate 
the resolutions of Virginia, and to express their good will to 
the people of that state, and their anxious solicitude for an 
accommodation between them and the general government. 

The state of New-Hampshire expressed no opinion as to 
the doctrines of South-Carolina, but the legislature passed 
resolutions in favor of reducing the tariff to the revenue 
standard. 

On the other hand, the legislatures of Massachusetts, 
Vermont, Rhode-Island, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, de- 



150 political landmarks; 

clared themselves to be opposed to any modification of the 
tariff. . 

"While the states were sutsaining their respective views 
and interests, congress was slowly proceeding in the dis- 
cussion of the questions belonging to the subject. In the 
house the bill for reducing the tariff was subjected to an 
ordeal that threatened to prove fatal to its passage through 
that body. The discussion upon its general principles oc- 
cupied the house for two weeks after its introduction, and 
was resumed from time to time, during the examination of 
its detailsj for the purpose of amendment ; and but little 
prospect appeared of bringing about any satisfactory term- 
ination of this long disputed question. 

The authorities of South-Carolina, in the meantime, ex- 
erted themselves to increase the military force of the state. 
Munitions were provided, depots formed, and the militia in 
the nullifying districts were called upon to volunteer in her 
defence. On the other hand, the minorty of the people, 
who called themselves the union party, were equally deter- 
mined not to submit to the nullifying ordinance and laws, 
and prepared themselves with equal firmness and zeal to 
sustain the federal authorities. A spark was sufficient to 
kindle the flame of civil war, but fortunately no accident 
occurred to bring about a collision. The revenue laws, 
under the protection of the forces of the general government, 
were carried into effect without any opposition by violence. 
No attempt was made to enforce the laws under tin' ordin- 
ance of the state convention, and on the 31st of January, at 
a meeting of the leading nullifiers at Charleston, after re- 
iterating their determination to maintain their principles, 
and expressing their opposition to modify the tariff, it was 
resolved that during the session of congress, all collision be 
avoided between the state and federal authorities, in the 
hope that the controversy might be satisfactorily adjusted. 

During these proceedings in South-Carolina, the enforc- 
ing bill, providing for the collection of duties was pressed 
forward to a vote. It was, however, delayed in the senate, 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 151 

by a lengthened discussion, until the 20th of February, when 
it passed that body by a vote of 32 ayes ; Mr. Tyter, only, 
voting in the negative, the opponents of the bill generally 
having withdrawn. It also passed the house on the 28th of 
February, 150 to 35, and became a law. 

The tariff bill reported by Mr. Verplanck, and supported 
by the friends of the administration, in the house of repre- 
sentatives, was delayed in that body until the 1 2th February ; 
when Mr. Clay, of the senate, apprehending either the 
passage of that bill, which he considered would be destruc- 
tive to the manufacturing interests, or that congress would 
adjourn, leaving the matter unsettled, and the country in 
danger of civil war, introduced, pursuant to notice, a mea- 
sure of compromise in the senate. This was a bill which 
had been prepared, after much consultation, for the per- 
manent adjustment of the tariff. It provided, that where 
the duties exceeded 20 per cent, there should be one tenth 
part of the excess deducted after December 30, 1833, and 
one tenth each alternate year, until the 31st of December 
1841, when one half of the residue was to be deducted, and 
after the 30th of June, 1842, the duties on all goods were 
to be reduced to 20 per cent, on a home valuation, and 
were to be paid in cash. 

After Mr. Clay had stated that his views for introducing 
the bill were to preserve the protective tariff for a length 
of time, and to restore good feelings and tranquility among 
the people, he explained the proposed measure and its pro- 
vable operation. Mr. Calhoun expressed his approbation 
of the bill ; and it was discussed by various senators until 
the 23d of February, when it was ordered to a third read- 
ing. On the 25th Mr. Clay stated that a bill identical in 
its provisions to the one before the senate, had just passed 
the house, and would probably be presented to the senate 
for approval. The senate, on his motion, therefore ad 
journed. 

In the house of representatives, Mr. Verplanck's bill 
was taken up for discussion, when, on motionof Mr. Letch- 



152 political landmarks: 

er, of Kentucky, it was recommitted, with instructions 
to report Mr. Clay's bill. The bill being referred to the 
committee, the substitute was agreed to, forthwith reported 
to the house, and the following day passed, by a vote of 
119 to 85. In the senate, after some further discussion 
it passed, yeas 29, nays 16, and received the signature of 
the president on the 2d of March, 1833. 

The passage of this bill was regarded by all as a con- 
cession to South-Carolina, and many considered it as sanc- 
tioning the ultimate triumph of principles advanced by that 
state. 

The supporters of the bill who were friendly to the sys- 
tem of protection insisted, on the contrary, that this was 
the only mode of preventing an entire and immediate des- 
truction of the manufacturing interests. That the admi- 
nistration had a decided majority in the next congres ; and 
if the question was not settle 1 now, the manufacturers would 
be entirely at the mercy of their enemies. 

Those who looked to the ultimate results of this compro- 
mise, preferred to test rather than to surrender the powers 
of the government, and they strongly reprobated the idea 
of abandoning the policy of the government upon the de- 
mand of a single state. 

The leaders of the nullifying party, on their part, affect- 
ed to to regard the compromise as an unqualified triumph. 
The convention of South-Carolina assembled at Columbia, 
at the call of the governor, on the 11th of March, and 
deeming it expedient* to consider the compromise tariff a# 
satisfactory, they repealed the ordinance nullifying the re- 
venue laws, and nullified the enforcing law. After this the 
tariff controversy in South-Carolina ended. 

The bill providing for the distribution of the proceeds 
of the sales of the public lands among the states was again 
introduced by Mr. Clay, at an early period of this session. 
After much discussion, it passed that body on the 25th of 
January, yeas 24, nays 20. It was not taken up in the 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 153 

house until the 1st of March, when, after being amended, 
it was passed, yeas 96, nays 40, and sent back to the senate. 
The amendment of the house was concurred in by the 
senate, 23 to 5. These votes indicated that two-thirds of 
both houses were in favor of the poliey proposed to be 
established by Mr. Clay's bill, and if the president had re- 
turned the bill with his objections, it was understood that 
it would have become a law, notwithstanding the veto. 

This opportunity, however, was not given to them, as the 
president retained the bill until alter the adjournment, 
which took place at the termination of their constitutional 
term on the 3d of March, and thus prevented congress 
from expressing its opinion upon his objections. The bill 
was thus defeated by the executive, who in this manner 
assumed an absolute instead of a qualified veto upon the 
acts of congress, which was confided to him by the consti- 
tution. The reason of the president for his course in this 
matter, as given to the next congress, was want of time for 
a due consideration of this important measure. 

Among the subjects recommended by the president in 
his annual message in December, 1832, was the propriety 
of removing the public moneys from the United States bank, . 
The secretary of the treasury, who had hitherto advocated 
the re-charter of the bank, followed up the president's re- 
commendation by the expression of his doubts as to their 
safety, if continued in its custody. An agent appointed by 
the treasury to investigate the actual condition of the bank, 
shortly after made his report, and it appeared that this in- 
titution had an excess of funds of more than seven mil- 
lions of dollars over its liabilities, besides its capital of 
$35,000,000. 

The president also recommended a sale of the stock of 
the bank belonging to the United States. A proposition to 
that effect, reported by Mr. Polk from the committee on 
ways and means in the house, was rejected on the first read- 
ing, 102 to 91. 



154 POLITICAL LANDMARKS; 

The subject of the public deposites was referred to the 
same committee, who, through Mr. Verplanck, made a re- 
port stating the situation of the bank. They consequently 
recommended a resolution that the government deposites 
may, in the opinion of the house, be safely continued in 
the bank of the United States. This resolution was adopt- 
ed by the house — ayes 109, noes 46. 

Appropriations Were made at this session of congress, for 
carrying on certain works before commenced, arid the im- 
provement of harbors and rivers, also for the Cumberland 
road, and certain territorial roads. Acts were also passed 
for improving the navigation of certain rivers in Florida and 
Michigan ; making provision for publishing the documental 
history of the American revolution ; and sundry other laws 
of less general interest. 

At the close of the first term of president Jackson, the 
foreign relations of the United States, with the exception of 
France, were in a favorable position. The first instalment 
of the indemnity to be paid by the treaty with France, was 
drawn for, in a bill of exchange by the American govern- 
ment, but the French Chambers had not made any appro- 
priation to meet it, and the bill was not expected. This 
neglect was warmly resented by the president. Instructions 
were given to the American minister to urge upon the 
French government a prompt compliance with the treaty 

With Russia a treaty of commerce was concluded in De- 
cember, 1832, upon the principles of reciprocity. A simi- 
lar treaty was made with Belgium. Some claims of Amer- 
ican merchants against Portugal, for illegal captures, were 
prosecuted to a successful result, and an effort was made 
by the administration to procure satisfaction from Spain, 
for illegal detentions and captures of American property 
subsequent to the treaty of 1819, and an acknowledgement 
of their justice was finally extorted from that government. 
A treaty of commerce was concluded with Chili*. 

The second presidential term of General Jackson com- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 155 

menced on the 4th of March, 1833. At twelve o'clock on 
that day, the president and vice-president elect, attended by 
the heads of department, foreign ministers and their suites, 
judges of supreme court, senators, and members of the house 
of representatives, the mayor and citizens of Washington, 
and strangers, entered the hall of representatives. The 
president took the seat of the speaker of the house, with the 
vice-president, Mr. Van Buren on his left, and his private 
secretary, Mr. Donelson, on his right. After a pause of a 
few minutes, the president rose, and was greeted by the 
cheers of the large assembly present. He then proceeded, 
in an aubible and firm voice, to pronounce his inaugural 
address, at the close of which he was again greeted with 
cheers and applause. The chief justice then administered 
the usual oath to the president. The oath was also admin- 
istered to Mr. Van Buren, after which, the president and 
vice-president retired, amid the plaudits of the assembly. 

The excitement of the political contest was at an end ; 
nullification was virtually relinquished by South-Carolina; 
and the modification of the tarifi^iad tranquilized the pub- 
lic mind. The angry feelings engendered by the election 
had subsided ; and in a tour which the president made 
through the middle and eastern states, in the summer of 
1833, both parties united to do honor to the chief magistrate 
of the republic ; his opponents heartily approving of his 
course toward South-Carolina, and of the principles avowed 
by him in his proclamation and message, and his supporters 
giving vent to those feelings which had originally enlisted 
them, as a party, in his favor. 

A political calm had succeeded the tempest, and it seem- 
ed as if the second term of General Jackson's administra- 
tion was about to prove as quiet and tranquil, as the first 
had been stormy and turbulent. This expectation was not 
destined to be realized. A new subject of excitement was 
at this time introduced into our politics, which continued to 
agitate the public mind for a large portion of the remaining 



156 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

period of General Jackson's administration, affecting, as it 
did, the interests of the community generally. We allude 
to the removal of the government deposites from the bank 
of the United States, by order of the president. 

By the law of 1816, creating the bank of the United 
States, the public moneys were deposited in the vaults of 
the bank and its branches, and, as an equivalent for that 
deposite, the bank assumed the responsibitity of acting as 
the fiscal agent of the government. 

In the same act, however, it was provided that the public 
deposites might be removed by the secretary of the treasu- 
ry ; but requiring him to lay his reasons for removing them 
immediately before Congress. 

After the veto of the bill to recharter the bank, the presi" 
dent soon determined that that institution should be de- 
prived of the public deposites, although the charter did not 
expire until 1836. We have already seen that congress, in 
1833, refused, by a decisive vote, to authorize the removal 
of the deposites, as recommended by the president, and new 
means were adopted to effect the contemplated end. 

The secretary of State, Edward Livingston, being appoint- 
ed minister to France, on account of the state of our rela- 
tions with that power, Louis M'Lane, secretary of the treas- 
ury, who had declined to sanction the removal of the depos- 
ites from the United States bank, was transferred to the 
state department, and William J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, 
was appointed his successor. It was soon, however, found, 
that Mr. Duane was not willing to act in the matter without 
sufficient reasons to sustain him before the world. 

The president had urged Mr. Duane during his north- 
ern tour in the summer of 1833, to remove the public mo- 
neys from the obnoxious institution, without convincing 
him of the propriety of the step. He finally obtained from 
him his consent to appoint Amos Kendall, as an agent, to 
inquire into the terms upon which the local banks, incorpo- 
rated by the several states, would take the public deposites, 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 157 

upon the basis of mutual guarantee. This basis, however, 
was found to be inadmissable. The banks refused to guar- 
anty for each other, and the secretary was soon made to un- 
derstand that it was the president's determination to remove 
the deposites at all hazards. 

To this he explicitly refused to lend himself. He even 
refused to fix a day after the adjournment of congress, for 
their removal, in case that body did not act upon the sub- 
ject. The most he would agree to was, to remove them in 
case congress ordered him to do so. 

In this dilemma, the president convoked the cabinet on 
the 10th of September, 1833 and laid before its members an 
exposition of his views upon this important question. The 
doctrines advanced in this document were, that the power 
of the secretary to remove the deposites was unqualified, and 
not limited to particular contingencies; that the speedy 
termination of the charter of the bank rendered it incum- 
bent on the secretary to introduce a plan for keeping and 
disbursing the public revenue, before its dissolution, to 
avoid any derangement consequent upon such a change at 
that moment; that the conduct of the bank in relation to 
the redemption of the three per cent stocks, and the bill on 
the French government ; and its interference with politics, 
deserved punishment ; and under those circumstances, the 
president assumed the responsibility himself, of removing 
the public deposites from the United States bank, and fixed 
upon the 1st of October, 1833, as the day for their removal. 

The secretary of the treasury deliberated upon the ques- 
tion thus authoritatively pressed upon him, and on the 21st 
of September he announced to the president his determina- 
tion not to carry his directions into effect. He also resolved 
not to resign, and as he was the only officer who could give 
a legal order for the removal of the public moneys, the pres- 
ident was compelled, in order to carry his designs into 
effect, to remove the secretary. This was done on the 23d 
of September, and Roger B, Taney, (then attorney-general) 



158 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

appointed in his place. Benjamin F. Butler, of N. Y. was 
appointed attorney-general in place of Mr. Tanev. 

The new secretary was known to entertain similar opin- 
ions to those of the president, both as to the right and ex- 
pediency of removing the deposites, and he immediately 
issued the necessary orders for their removal to the local 
banks selected by him as agents of the government. 

Almost simultaneously with this step an attempt was made 
to destroy the credit of the bank, by suddenly presenting for 
payment, at one of the distant branches, a large amount of 
their circulating notes, which had been secretly accumula- 
ted. This demand was promptly met ; but, connected with 
the withdrawal of the public deposites, it evinced a settled 
hostility against the bank, and compelled the directors to 
adopt a general system of retrenchment, with a view to its 
own safety. 

Great commercial distres immediately ensued. The' 
amount of the loans of the bank, on the 1st of October, 
1833, was over sixty millions of dollars; and the amount of 
deposites of the U. S. government at that time in the bank, 
was $9,868,435, all of which amount was removed during 
a period of about nine months, and the greater part of the 
same during the first fotir months. At the moment tf tak- 
ing this step, the business of the country was unusually ac- 
tive. The capitalist and the merchant, mechanics and 
manufacturers, had unlimited confidence in each other, 
and all the moneyed institutions of the country, had ex- 
tended their loans to the utmost bounds of their ability. 

At such a juncture, great and rigid retrenchment, attend- 
ed with want of confidence, was necessarily productive of 
ruinous consequences. Private credit was deeply affected, 
and the business of the country was interrupted to a decree 
that could be attributable only to the panic which followed 
this violent attack upon the pecuniary concerns of the com- 
munity. 
The twenty-third congress held its first session from !>- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 159 

cember 2, 1833, to June 30, 1834. There was a decided 
administration majority in the house of representatives. 
Andrew Stevenson was again elected speaker, receiving 
142 votes, against 66 for all others, and 9 blanks. In the 
senate the ne\v vice-president, Mr. Van Buren, took his 
seat, as presiding officer, but in that body the administra- 
tion were in the minority, in consequence of Mr. Calhoun • 
and other state-rights senators acting with the opposition. 

The principal topic of discussion at this session of 
congress was the removal of the deposites, by order of the 
president, from the bank of the U. States. The subject was 
brought before the two houses by the president's message 
and the report from the secretary of the treasury. On the 
26th of December, 1833, Mr. Clay offered a resolution, in 
the senate, which it will be recollected, was afterwards ex- 
punged, by drawing black lines around it. The resolution 
which follows, gave rise to long and animated debates, and 
was finally adopted on the 28th March, 1834, ayes 26, noes 
20: 

"Resolved, That the president , in the late executive proceedings in rela- 
tion to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and power 
not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both." 

Against this resolution the president sent in his protest 
to the senate, containing an elaborate argument on the sub- 
ject, in which he denied the right of the senate to censure 
him in this way, and demanded that this remonstrance 
should be placed on their records. This the senate re- 
fused. 

The senate, on the 4th of June, also adopted two joint 
resolutions offered by Mr. Clay, declaring, 1st, that the rea- 
sons of the secretary of the treasury were unsatisfactory 
and insufficient ; 2d, requiring the deposite of the public 
moneys to be made in the bank of the United States. The 
first of these resolutions was adopted, 29 to 16 ; the second 
23 to 16. In the house of representatives they were laid 
.on the table, ayes 114, noes 101. 



160 political landmarks; 

The removal of the deposites or the action of the bank, 
in connection with the withdrawal of the deposites from its 
vaults, caused intense excitement and much commercial 
distress throughout the union. Numerous committees, 
appointed by merchants, mechanics, tradesman, and others, 
in the principal cities and towns, waited on the president, 
asking that he would recommend some measure of relief. 
To these he replied, in substance, " that the government 
could give no relief, and provide no remedy ; that the banks 
were the occasion of all the evils which existed, and that 
those who suffered by their great enterprise, had none to 
blame but themselves; that those who borrowed capital 
ought to break." Petitions for the restoration of the de- 
posites, or some other measure of relief, were poured into 
congress during the whole session; they were favorably 
received in the senate, but as the house of representatives 
sustained the president, petitions to conteract his views met 
with but little favor in that body. 

Resolutions reported by the committee of ways and 
means in the house, were adopted on the 4th of April ; 1st, 
that the bank of the United States ought not to be rechart- 
ered, ayes 132, noes 82 j 2d, that the public deposites ought 
not to be restored to the bank of the United States, ayes 
118, noes 103. 

On the 2d of June, the speaker of the house, Mr. Steven- 
son, having been nominated by the president, minister to 
Great Britain, resigned his situation as speaker; and the 
house proceeded to ballot for a speaker in his place. John 
Bell, of Tennessee, was elected, on the tenth ballot recei- 
ving 114 votes, to 78 for James K. Polk and 26 scattering 
and blanks. Mr. Polk was the administration candidate, 
and Mr. Bell was elected by the votes of the opposition and 
a portion of the administration party who were opposed to 
Mr. Van Buren as successor to Gen. Jackson. 

On the 23d of June the senate rejected the nomination 
of Mr. Taney as secretary of the treasury, 28 to 18 ; and ' 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 161 

on the 24th Andrew Stevenson was rejected as minister to 
England, 23 to 22. The ground taken on the rejection of 
Mr. Stevenson was, that he had received the offer of the 
mission to Great Britain in a letter from the secretary of 
state, by order of the president, in March 1833, after which 
he had been elected to congress and made speaker of the 
house, the committees of which he had appointed in corP 
formity with the views of the president. Being called on 
by the senate for a copy of the letter to Mr. Stevenson offer- 
ing him the mission, the president communicated the same ; 
although denying their right to ask for it, he informed the 
senate that the contingency on which Mr. Stevenson was to 
be appointed did not arise, but the nagotiation expected 
was commenced at Washington instead of London. The 
mission to England continued vacant for several years after 
the rejection of Mr. Van Buren in L832, and the affairs of 
the United States, with that kingdom were, during that 
period, intrusted to Aaron Vail, who had been secretary of 
legation under Mr. Van Buren. The president declined 
nominating any other person as minister, until Mr. Steven- 
son was named, and after he was rejected the place still 
continued vacant until March 1836, when Mr. Stevenson 
was again nominated, and then confirmed by the senate. 
Strong objections were raised in the senate in 1834, against 
the frequent appointment of members of congress to office 
by General Jackson- During the first five years of his ad- 
ministration he had appointed to office thirteen senators and 
twenty-five representatives. In June, 1834, Mr. M'Lane 
having resigned, John Forsyth, of Georgia, was appointed 
secretary of State, Mahlon Dickerson, of New- Jersey, se- 
cretary of the navy, in place of Levi Woodbury, appointed 
secretary of the treasury. 

An important act respecting the coinage of the United 
States was passed at this session. By this law the weight 
of the gold eagle of the United States was reduced twelve 
grains, being equal to 66^ cents less in value than the old 
coin of that denomination. Two other acts were passed, 
7* 



162 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

regulating the value of certain foreign gold and silver coins. 
The objects of these several acts was to infuse a larger 
proportion of gold and silver into the currency of the United 
States than had been used ; and this became a favorite pro- 
ject of the president and his supporters in the cabinet and 
in congress. Increased activity was given to the mint, and 
me display of the new gold coin among the people had an 
important bearing on the elections in the different states, 
and operated favorably to the administration. 

Among the other acts passed at this long and arduous 
session, those of most general interest were as follows ; 
making appropriations for certain harbors and rivers ; for 
completing a road from Memphis to Little Rock, in Arkan- 
sas ; authorizing certain roads in Arkansas ; aiding roads 
in Michigan ; continuing the Cumberland road ; appro- 
priations for light-houses ; for improvement of the Hudson 
river ; authorizing the purchase of the papers and books 
of General Washington. 

The course of the president with regard to the bank of 
the United States, although it was popular with the mass of 
the people in some sections of the country, caused a con- 
siderable diminution of the strength of the administration 
in the commercial states, as evinced by the elections in 
1834. Many of those who had supported General Jackson, 
now joined the opposition, the combined forces of the party 
opposing the administration now assuming the name of 
" Whig." This title of Whig, as a substitute for Federalism, 
Anti-masonry, National Republicanism, dec, originated in 
the city of New- York ; and it has always been understood 
that James Watson Webb, of the Courier &, Enquirer, first 
advanced the idea. Mr. Webb in 1828, was a strong ad- 
vocate and supporter of General Jackson, but left him and 
the democratic party upon the United States bank question. 
Upon this question, Hammond's Political History of New- 
York, says : " The opposition party in the city of New- 
York, assumed the name of " whig" in the winter of 1834, 
and this designation was soon after applied to their political 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 163 

friends, as a body, throughout the state. The institution 
of Masonry, had almost ceased to exist, and the Anti-masons 
generally united with the National Republicans, under this 
new cognomen/' It soon became the party title through- 
out the United States. The friends of the administration 
adhered to the old party name of " Democrats/' 

In the summer of 1835 a party, which claimed to be op- 
posed to all monopolies, to bank notes and paper money as 
a circulating medium, and to legislative prerogatives, was 
.formed in the city of New- York, comprising some of the 
prominent men, who called themselves the " Equal Rights 
Party." A majority of the equal rights men were demo- 
crats, and in consequence of their dissatisfaction at the 
nomination of Gideon Lee for congress and others, of the 
same stamp for assembly, they rallied in great force, at the 
meeting held in Tammany Hall, to receive the ^report of 
the nominating committee. The old Tammany men sup- 
ported Isaac L. Varian, for chairman, and the Equal Rights 
men presesented Joel Curtis. Each faction claimed that 
its candidate was /elected, and a scene of complete disorder 
and confusion ensued, in the midst of which the gas lights 
in the room were extinguished. The Equal Rights men had 
provided themselves, in anticipation of this result, with 
locofoco matches and candles, and the room was almost in- 
stantly re-lighted. Soon after this disturbance, the Equal 
Rights men, or anti-monopolists received the name of 
" Locofoco," and this appellation was subsequently be- 
stowed by the whig presses and politicians, upon the whole- 
democratic party. 

The twenty-third congress held its second session from 
December 1, 1834, to March 3, 1835. George Poindexter, 
of Mississippi, had been chosen president pro. tern, of the 
senate, at the close of the last session, but as the vice-pre- 
sident, Mr. Van Buren, was constantly in his seat as presi- 
ding officer, president Jackson was saved from the morti- 
fication of seing at the head of the senate, one to whom he 



164 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

was personnally inimical; a quarrel having occurred be- 
tween the president, and the senator from Mississippi. 

BuTfewacts of general interest were passed ai this ^1 1 * »r t 
session. Appropriations were made for roads and surveys, 
also for certain harbors and rivers : and, as usual, for, the 
Cumberland road. Brandies of the mint were established 
at the gold mines in North-Carolina and Georgia; also at 
New-Orleans. In conformity with the recommendation of 
the president, an act, was passed regulating the government 
deposites in the state banks. At the close of the session, 
John Tyler, of Virginia, was elected president -pro. ttin. of 
the senate. He had generally acted with the opposition 
after the removal of the deposites from the United States 
bank, by president Jackson. 

There was an impression at this time, that General Jack- 
son contemplated retiring from the presidency, leaving the 
reins of government in the hands of Mr. Van Buren for the 
remainder of his term ; but if he had such an intention it 
was abandoned. He was, however, anxious that Mr. Van 
Buren should be his successor in the presidency, and in 
February, 1835, he came out with a letter to a friend, in 
which he expresses himself in favor of a national democratic 
convention, to nominate a president and vice-president. 
The convention was a favorite project ot Mr. Van Buren, 
and it soon appeared that all the supporters of the adminis- 
tration who were in favor of Mr. Van Buren as successor 
to General Jackson, advocated a nomination by "a conven- 
tion, while the opponents of Mr. Van Buren, in the same 
ranks, denounced that mode of nomination. A larcre sec- 
tion of the Jackson party gave early indications of an inten- 
tion to support Hugh L. White, one of the Tennessee se- 
nators, for president, and in January, 1836, he was nomi- 
nated by the legislature of Alabama, and, about the same 
time, by the people of Tennessee; and by the Tennessee 
delegation in the house of representatives, all of whom 
signed a letter in his favor, except James K. Polk and 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 165 

Cave Johnson. Mr. Van Buren was already nominated for 
the presidency by a state convention in Mississippi. Three 
candidates had been named by the whig opposition, namely, 
Gen. William H. Harrison, of Ohio, by a meeting at Har- 
risburg ; John M'Lean, of Ohio,, by a legislative caucus in 
that state ; and Daniel Webster, by the whigs in the legis- 
lature of Massachusetts. 

The national democratic convention for the nomination 
of president and vice-president of the. United States, met at 
Baltimore on the 20th of May, 1835. More than six hun- 
dred delegates were in attendance, and twenty-two states 
were represented. Upon the first ballot, Martin Van Buren 
received the unanimous vote of the convention for president. 
This was expected, as none but the friends of Mr. Van 
Buren took part in the convention. Colonel Richard M. 
Johnson, of Kentucky, received the nomination for vice- 
president, by 178 votes to 87 for William C. Rives, of Vir- 
ginia. The delegates from Virginia protested against the 
nomination of Colonel Johnson, declaring that he could not 
receive the vote of that state. 

William T. Barry being appointed minister to Spain, 
Amos Kendall was appointed postmaster-general in his place 
in May 1835. 

The payment of the first instalment of the French indem- 
nity being still refused by the French chambers, the presi- 
dent instructed Mr. Livingston, minister to that court, to 
return to the United States. He accordingly asked for his 
passports, and arrived home in June, 1835. The affairs 
between the United States and France now wore a threat- 
ening aspect, but the matter in dispute was finally settled, 
through the intervention of the British government in 1836. 

The twenty-fourth congress assembled on the 7th of De- 
cember, 1835, and the first session continued until the 4th 
of July, 1836. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was elected 
speaker of the house of representees, having received 132 
votes, against 84 for John Bell, the late speaker, and 9 



166 political landmarks; 

scattering votes. Mr. Polk was the administration candi- 
date, and Mr. Bell was supported by the opposition, includ 
ing the friends of Judge White for the presidency. 

The message of the president at the opening of this sess- 
ion indicated a high state of public prosperity, so far as tli< j 
national treasury was concerned. The public debt had then 
been extinguished and there was a large surplus remaining 
in the treasury. The country had at this time somewhat 
recovered from the panic and shock affecting public and 
private credit, occasioned by the removal of the deposites, 
and concominant circumstances. 

Mr. Clay again introduced a bill to provide for the dis- 
tribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the 
states, which passed the senate by a vote of 25 to 20, but 
was not acted upon by the house of representatives. 

The most important act of the session was the distribu- 
tion act or a bill to regulate the deposites of the public 
money, which was passed in June, 1836; it provided that 
the money which should be in the treasury on the 1st day 
of January, 1737, reserving the sum of five million of dol- 
lars, should be deposited with the several states, in propor- 
tion to their respective representation in congress, which 
should by law authorize their treasurer or other competent 
authorities to receive the same. The deposites to be made 
with the states in qusBfterly amounts commencing on the 1st 
of January, 1S37. 

The bill to distribute the proceeds of the public lands, as 
proposed by Mr. Clay having failed, and there being a large 
surplus in the treasury, the bill jusl mentioned, tor the dis- 
tribution of the surplus revenue, \\ at dei ised, i«» effi cl tem- 
porarily the same purpose ; and to obviate the scruples of 
the president, the law provided for a deposite, with the 
states without interest, instead of a positive transfer or quit- 
claim from the general government to the states. The law, 
however, received the support of more than two-thirds of 
each house. The amount thus divided among the states 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 167 

with no expectation of being recalled (and that can not be 
done till directed by congress,) was over twenty-eight mil- 
lions of dollars. The balance of the public debt was paid 
off in 1835, and the amount of revenue, from customs and 
sales of the public lands, in that and the succeeding year, 
had swollen the surplus in the treasury, in J 836, to more 
than forty millions of dollars. Owing to the subsequent 
pecuniary difficulties of the government, in 1837, congress 
suspended the fourth instalment to be deposited with the 
states. 

A new law respecting patents was also enacted at this 
session, and all former general laws on that subject were 
repealed. The State of Michigan was admitted into the 
union, on certain conditions ; but those conditions were not 
complied with until the following year, when the state was 
formally admitted. The state of Aarkansas was also ad- 
mitted into the union. Among other important acts of the 
session those of most general interest were those making 
appropriations for the improvement of certain harbors and 
rivers, and for " continuing the Cumberland road. At the 
close of the session, William R. King, of Alabama, an ad- 
ministration senator, was elected president pro tern, of the 
senate. At the commencement of the session there was an 
opposition majority in the senate; but several changes had 
taken place, and the administration now claimed a majority 
in both branches of congress. 

A bill was passed by congress fixing the day of meeting 
and adjournment, which was vetoed by the president. 

After the adjournment of congress, the public mind was 
much agitated by the promulgation of an executive order 
from the treasury department, called " the specie circular." 
During the session, Mr. Benton, of Missouri, had offered a 
resolution in the senate, on the 22d of April, declaring that 
nothing ought to be received but gold and silver in payment 
for the public lands, and that the committee on the public 
lands be instructed to report a bill accordingly. This re- 
solution was not acted upon in the senate j but soon after 



168 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

congress had adjourned, a circular was issued by Mr. 
Woodbury, secretary of the treasury, dated the 11th of 
July, 1835, -(by order of the president) directing the re- 
ceivers of the public moneys to receive in payment of the 
public lands, nothing but gold and silver (and Virginia land 
scrip in certain cases.) As the sales of the public lands 
had been very large for two or three years, and many of the 
purchases had been made on speculation, through the facili- 
ties afforded by the state banks, the operation of this. specie 
circular from the treasury department, proved very disas- 
trous in its effects upon the business coramanity. 

When it was ascertained that the bank of the United 
States would not be re-chartered as a national institution, 
numerous banks were incorporated by the several state legis- 
latures, to supply the supposed want of banking capital. 
The bank of the United States was chartered by the legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania, in 1836, with the same amount of 
capital as the national institution (the charter of which 
expired the same year,) viz., thirty-five millions of dollars. 
The panic occasioned by the removal of the deposites hav- 
ing subsided, and the state banks being without the check 
of a national regulator to prevent excessive issues of paper 
circulation, the facilities of bank accomodations occasioned 
a scene of speculation which extended far and wide, over 
the whole union, and all classes of citizens were more or 
less entangled in the operations which ensued. Extensive 
purchases of public lands, by individuals and companies, 
were among the schemes of the day, for the employment of 
the abundance of bank paper. ^ 

The immediate effect of the treasury circular, requiring 
specie to be paid for purchases of the public lands, was to 
divert the flow of specie from the legitimate channels of 
commerce, and otherwise to derange the currency, thus 
embarrassing the operations of the business community. So 
far as the circular tended to check the tide of speculation, 
particularly in the public lands, its operation was deemed 
salutary. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 169 

In March, 1836, the senate confirmed the nomination of 
Roger B. Taney as chief justice of the supreme court, in 
place of John Marshall, deceased ; Phillip P. Barbour, to 
fill a vacancy on the same bench ; Amos Kendall, postmaster- 
general ; and John H. Eaton, minister to Spain. Mr. Ken- 
dall succeeded William T. Barry, in May, 1835, but was 
not confirmed until 1836. In June, 1834, the senate passed 
a vote of censure unanimously (yeas 41,) on Mr. Barry, for 
borrowing money illegally of banks, on account of the post- 
office department. When he resigned the office of post- 
master-general, president Jackson appointed him minister 
to Spain, 1835; his health at the time was precarious, and 
he died at Liverpool, in England, on the 30th of August, the 
same year. Mr. Eaton formerly secretary of war, was ap- 
pointed to succeed him. 

The presidential election, which took place in the fall of 
1836, was warmly contested. The different sections of the 
opposition, although they were unable to concentrate their 
forces upon a single candidate for president, had strong hopes 
of defeating the election of Mr. Van Buren by throwing the 
final choice into the house of representatives, and it was 
not believed that Mr. Van Buren could obtain a majority of 
the electoral votes, over all his opponents. The result was 
contrary to all reasonable calculations, and -proved the po- 
tency of party discipline, even in electing the chief magis- 
trate of the American republic. The great portion of the 
opposition supported William H. Harrison, of Ohio, for pre- 
sident, but Judge White, of Tennessee, was preferred in 
. some of the southern and south-western states, and in several 
states the friends of Harrison and White united on the same 
electoral tickets, in no instance did they run in opposition 
to each other, in the same state. The friends of General 
Harrison, generally nominated for vice-president, Francis 
Granger, of New- York, while the supporters of Judge White 
nominated John Tyler, of Virginia, who also received the 
YOt.es of the Harrison men in Maryland, and the states-rights 



170 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

men in South-Carolina. Massachusetts supported Daniel 
Webster for president, and the vote of South-Carolina was 
given to Willie P. Mangum, of North-Carolina. 

Upon the meeting of the electoral college Mr. Van Buren 
was declared president as will be hereafter stated. 

The second session of the twenty-fourth congress com- 
menced on the 5th of December, 1836, and terminated on 
the 3d of March, 1837. But few acts of general interest 
were passed ; among them were an act to admit the state of 
Michigan into the union : and acts making appropriations 
for harbors, rivers, roads, and lighthouses. Mr. King was 
continued as president of the senate pro tern. The most 
exciting subject of the session was the passage, by the sen- 
ate, after a warm debate, of a resolution, on the 16th of 
January, offered by Mr. Benton, to expunge from the records 
(by drawing black lines around it) the resolution offered by 
Mr. Clay, and adopted on the 28th of March, 1834, viz : 

" Resolved, That the president, in the late executive proceedings in rela- 
tion to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself authority and power 
not conferred by the constitution and laics, but in derogation of both." 

The expunging resolution which was now adopted by a 
vote of 24 to 19, and immediately carried into effect, by the 
secretary of the senate, was offered by Mr. Benton at a pre- 
vious session, but was not pressed to a decision until an 
administration majority was secured in the senate. 

In consequence of the dissatisfaction felt in the country 
with the operation of the specie circular of the treasury de- 
partment, before mentioned, a bill passed both houses at 
this session, designating and limiting the funds receivable 
for the revenues of the United States. This bill, which 
provided for the reception of the notes of specie-paying 
banks, in certain cases, was warmly debated, and particularly 
opposed by Mr. Benton. The president prevented it from 
becoming a law, by retaining it in his hands after the ad- 
journment of congress, and this informal veto formed the 
last act of his administration. His reasons for so doing 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 171 

were set forth in a letter published in the Globe, after he 
retired from the executive chair. 

Having issued to his countrymen the farewell address 
which is to be considered as imbodying his political views 
and principles, General Jackson remained at Washington, to 
witness the inauguration of his chosen friend and successor, 
into whose hands he cheerfully committed the reins of 
government, and immediately went into retirement, at the 
hermitage, in Tennessee. 

Thus terminated the administration of Andrew Jackson ; 
of which it may be remarked, that the space it occupies in 
our history is one which must always be considered an 
eventful era, characterized by scenes of continued agitation 
and excitement of the public mind. At no period since the 
formation of our government, have the principles of free 
institutions and particularly our constitution, as well as im- 
portant measures bearing on the interests of the people, 
been discussed with more ardor and ability. 

The seven presidents of the United States whose lives 
and administrations we have noticed in the preceding pages, 
it will have been observed, were all descended from emi- 
grants from the Brittish Isles ; their official terms occupy a 
space of forty-eight years, or nearly half a century from the 
adoption of the constitution ; and each of them had witness- 
ed the period when the nation acpuired her independence. 

The ancestors of Mr. Van Buren, both paternal and ma- 
ternal, were among the early emigrants from Holland to the 
colony of New Netherlands, now the state of New- York. 
The family have always resided in the ancient town of Kin- 
derhook, Columbia county, on the east bank of the Hudson 
river. The father of the president, Abraham Van Buren, 
was a farmer of moderate, circumstances, who is represent- 
ed to have been an upright and intelligent man, of strong 
common sense, and pacific disposition. The maiden name 
of the mother of the president was Hoes, also of Dutch 
descent. The name was originally Goes, and was one of 



172 political landmarks; 

some distinction in the history of the Netherlands. She 
was twice married ; first Mr. Van Alen, by whom she had 
two sons and a daughter, all of whom have been many years 
deceased. James I. Van Alen was a respectable lawyer of 
Columbia county, who was honored with several important 
offices, and with whom his younger half-brother, was con- 
nected in business at his entrance to the bar. 

Martin Van Buren is the eldest son of these parents. He 
was born at Kinderhook, December 5, 1782. At an early 
age, he exhibited indications of a superior understanding. 
His opportunities of instruction were limited, probably on 
account of the moderate property of his father, who had two 
other sons, and two daughters. 

After acquiring the rudiments of an English education, 
he became a student in his native village. He there made 
considerable progress in the various branches of English 
literature, and gained some knowledge of Latin. It may 
be inferred, however, that all these acquisitions were not 
great in amount, as he left the academy when about 14 years 
of age, to begin the study of his profession. 

At that age he evinced a strong passion for extempore 
speaking, and literary composition. Even at that early age, 
too, he is represented, by those who knew him, to have had 
a spirit of observation, with regard to public events, and 
the personal disposition and characters of those around him, 
which gave an earnest of his future proficiency in the sci- 
ence of politics and of the human heart. 

In the years 1796, at the age of fourteen, Mr. Van Buren 
commenced the study of the law, in the office of Francis 
Sylvester, Esq., a respectable lawyer of Kinderhook. His 
father was a firm whig in the revolution, and a democrat in 
the days of John Adams ; and the son was educated in the 
same principles, and of course formed his most intimate con- 
nection with persons of the same political faith. The dem- 
ocratic party was then a small minority in the town and 
county of his nativity. His political opinions, as well as his 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 173 

talents, led to his employment by the members of his own 
party, in their controversies with regard to personal rights 
and rights of property. 

In 1S36 Martin Van Buren was nominated as the Demo- 
cratic candidate for president, and William Henry Harrison 
as the whig candidate. 

The result of the vote of the electoral college in 1837, 
was as follows : 



ft 



Maine, 10 

New-Hampshire, 7 

Vermont, - 7 

Massachusetts, - 14 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, 8 

New-York, - - - 42 

New-Jersey, - 8 

nnsylvania, 30 

el aware, - 3 

Maryland, 10 

Virginia, 23 

North-Qarolina, - - - - 15 
South-Carolina, - 11 

Georgia, ----- 11 

Alabama, 7 

Mississippi, 4 

Louisiana, - - - - 5 

Tennessee, - 15 

Kentucky, - - - - 15 

Ohio, - -. - - - 21 

Indiana, - 9 

Illinois, ----- 5 
Missouri, 4 

Arkansas, 3 

Michigan, - " - - - - 3 

170 73 14 26 11 



174 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

The inauguration of Mr. Van Buren, the eighth presi- 
dent of the United States, took place at the capitol, in the 
city of Washington, on Saturday, the fourth of March, 
1837. At twelve o'clock on that day, the weather being 
remarkably pleasant, the president elect took his seat with 
his venerable predecessor, General Jackson, in a beautiful 
phaeton made from the wood of the frigate Constitution, 
and presented to General Jackson by the democracy of- the 
city of New- York. They were escorted from the presi- 
dent's house to the cupitol, through Pennsylvania avenue, by 
a body of cavalry and infantry, and were also accompanied 
by an immense concourse of citizens. After reaching the 
senate chamber the procession was formed, and Mr. Van 
Buren, attended by the ex-president, the members of the 
senate, of the cabinet, and the diplomatic corps, led the 
way to the rostrum erected on the ascent to the eastern por- 
tico. He then delivered his inaugural address, in clear and 
impressive tones, and in an easy and eloquent manner. At 
the close of the address, the oath of office was administer- 
ed by Chief-Justice Taney. 

The language of the inaugural address, the assurances of 
the government official journal, published at the seat of gov- 
ernment, and other declarations, satisfied the people that 
the measures of Mr. Van Buren's administration would be 
a continuation of those adopted by General Jackson, and 
consequently no change might be expected. The new pres- 
ident selected for his cabinet, John Forsyth, of Georgia, for 
secretary of state ; Levi Woodbury, of Xew-Hampshire, 
secretary of the treasury ; Joel R. Poinsett, of South-Car- 
olina, Secretary of war ; Mahlon Dickerson, of New-Jer- 
sey, secretary of the navy; Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, 
post-master-general ; and Benjamin F. Butler, of New- 
York, attorney-general. All of these gentlemen, except Mr. 
Poinsett, had been appointed by General Jackson to the re- 
spective offices named, and they were continued by Mr. Van 
Buren. Mr. Poinsett succeeded General Cass, who, in 1836, 
waj^ appointed by General Jackson minister to France. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 175 

Early in the year 1837, indications were perceived of a 
money pressure of unexampled severity, not produced as 
that of 1834 had been, by the contest with the bank of the 
United States (for that institution was not only a state bank, 
and so much embarrassed as to be powerless,) but other and 
more formidable causes. It was some time before those un- 
acquainted with banking operations could be induced to be- 
lieve the alarm of the bankers in New-York and othe cities 
to be so well founded as experience proved it really was. 
It was not until the failure of several great commercial and 
banking houses in New-York, New-Orleans, and other At- 
lantic cities, that the panic became general among the people, 
The specie circular issued by General Jackson in the sum- 
mer of 1836, which we have noticed in our account of his 
administration, had been powerful in its operation on the 
banks and currency. This circular or order, requiring all 
payments for the public lands to be made in gold or silver, 
produced frequent and sometimes large drafts for specie on 
the baifks. This course not only prevented the banks from 
extending their line of discount but compelled them to 
commence calling in their circulating notes. 

The distribution of the surplus funds among the several 
states also seriously embarrassed the operations of the banks, 
and for the mode in which it was managed, contributed to 
derange the currency. The banks with whom the accumu- 
lated surplus had been deposited, were not prepared for the 
distribution, inasmuch as they had presumed these funds 
would generally remain in deposite with them until the exi- 
gencies of the government should require its expenditure, 
and had, therefore, treated the funds of the United States 
as so much capital on which they could make loans to their 
customers. They had, therefore, undoubtedly, made large 
loans, relying on these government funds as an addition to 
their ordinary means, not likely soon to be called for. 

The order issued from the treasury department in pursu- 
ance of the law for the distribution of these funds amoiig 



176 political landmarks; 

the several states, were to the banks extremely embarrassing, 
and compelled them to call in their loans. They complain- 
d that the mode of distribution adopted by the secretary, 
Mr. Woodbury, was unwise and unnecessarily oppressive. 

Another cause of pecuniary embarrassment and pressure 
was the excessive importation of merchandise from Europe, 
beyond the abilities and wants of the country, payments for 
which falling due, and American credit being impaired in 
London, occasioned a demand on the banks for specie to be 
shipped to Europe. 

The reaction in speculation had now commenced, and 
this accumulation of difficulties could not be withstood by 
the banks. On the ] Oth of May, 1837, all the banks in the 
city of New-York, without exception, by common consent, 
suspended payments in specie. The banks of Boston, Prov- 
idence, Hartford, Albany, Philadelphia and Baltimore, and 
others in every quarter, on learning that the banks in New- 
York had suspended specie payments did the same. On 
the 16th of May, the legislature of New- York passafl an act 
authorizing the suspension of specie payments by the banks 
of that state for one year. 

During the preceding two months, unprecedented em- 
barrassments and difficulties* were experienced among the 
mercantile classes, and were felt in all commercial towns 
in the United States ; especially in New- York and New- 
Orleans. The number of large failures which took place 
in New-York in a short time, was about three hundred, 
their liabilities amounting to many millions. In two days, 
houses in New-Orleans stopped payment, owing an aggre- 
gate of twenty-seven millions of dollars. In Boston one 
hundred and sixty-eight failures took place in six months. 

A committee was appointed by a numerous meeting of 
the citizens of New-York, to proceed to Washington and 
request the president of the United States to rescind the 
specie circular, to defer commencing suits upon unpaid 
bonds, and to call an extra meeting of Congress. In their 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 177 

interview with the president they presented an address 
stating, that " under a deep impression of the propriety of 
confining their declarations within moderate limits, they 
affirmed, that the value of their real estate had, within the 
last six months, depreciated more than forty millions of dol- 
lars; that within the preceding two months there had been 
more than two hundred and fifty failures of houses engaged 
in extensive business ; that within the same period a de- 
cline of twenty millions had occurred in their local stocks, 
including those railroad and canal incorporations which, 
though chartered in other states, depended chiefly upon 
New- York, for their sale; that the immense amount of 
merchandise in their warehouses had, within the same pe- 
riod, fallen in value, at least thirty per cent. ; that within a 
few weeks not less than twenty thousand individuals, de- 
pending upon their daily labor for their daily bread, had 
been discharged by their employers, because the means of 
retaining them were exhausted ; and that a complete blight 
had fallen upon a community heretofore so active, enter- 
prising and prosperous : " the errors of our rulers," they de- 
clared, " had produced a wider desolation than the pesti- 
lence which depopulated our streets, or the conflagration 
which had laid them in ashes." 

Several petitions from other commercial cities and towns, 
had been presented to the president, requesting that he 
would summon a meeting of Congress at an early day. 
The president for some time declined to act on the petitions, 
but the suspension of specie payments by the banks, and 
the consequent exigency in which the financial affairs of 
the government was placed, finally induced him to issue 
his proclamation, on the 15th of May, for the convening of 
Congress on the first Monday in September, on account of 
" great and weighty matters, claiming their consideration," 

Previous to the suspension of specie payments by the 
banks, some of the friends of the president entertained a 
hope that he would afford some relief to the business com- 



178 political landmarks; 

munity, by revoking the " specie circular" of the treasury 
department, which had been issued by order of General 
Jackson in 1836, requiring gold and silver in payment for 
the public lands; but in this hope they were disappointed, 
and it was soon evident that it was the intention of presi- 
dent Van Buren to carry out the designs of his predecessor 
in establishing a specie currency, especially in all concerns 
relating to the finances of the general government. Ac- 
cording to the report of the secretary of the treasury, in 
December 1836, the condition of the currency of the Uni- 
ted States was estimated as follows at that period ; bank 
paper in active circulation, one hundred and twenty rail- 
lions of dollars; specie in active circulation, twenty-eight 
millions ; specie in banks, forty-five millions. 

The extra session, being the first, of the twenty-fifth 
Congress, commenced on the 4th of September, 1837, and 
continued forty-three days, namely, until the 16th of Octo- 
ber. The state of parties in the house of representatives 
was exhibited in the choice of speaker. James K. Polk, 
the administration candidate, was for the third time elected 
to that station, receiving 116 votes, against 103 for John 
Bell, (whig,) and 5 scattering. It became evident, howev- 
er, that there was in the administration ranks a small section, 
whose views respecting the currency did not coincide with 
those of the president, but were favorable to banking insti- 
tions and the preservation of the credit system, as applied 
to the transactions of the business community. Hence 
arose a third party, which exercised considerable influence 
in many parts of the union, and adopting the name oi 
" conservatives," eventually became an ally of the whigs, 
in their opposition to the administration. In consequence 
of the course of these conservatives, some of the measures 
recommended by the president were defeated in the house 
of representatives at this and the following session. 

The recommendations of the president in his message tc 
congress at the extra session, promised no relief to the peo 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 179 

pie. Indeed, the opinion that document distinctly expressed 
was, that the national legislature could do nothing to miti- 
gate the^evils which existed, and which, it stated, were occa- 
sioned by the unwise conduct of the business community; 
that it was not the duty or design of the general govern- 
ment to interfere in such cases. The doctrine was advanced 
in the message, that all the government could do or was 
designed to do, was to take care of itself, and could not be 
expected to legislate with reference to the monetary con- 
cerns of the people. The actual condition of the govern- 
ment, in relation to its financial concerns, was stated with 
great clearness and precision, and the reasons were given 
which rendered the call of the extra session absolutely 
necessary. 

The most important recommendation of the message, was 
the measure which received from its opponents the name of 
the sub-treasury scheme. By the friends of the administra- 
tion it was called the independent treasury. As the funds 
of the government were in the possession of banks, all of 
which refused to pay specie, and the use of their circulating 
notes was a violation of the act, or resolution of congress, 
passed in 1816 ; and the president having been elected un- 
der a pledge against a national bank, he recommended that 
the treasury of the United States, should be kept by public 
officers, and that there should be an entire and total sepa- 
ration of the business and funds of the government from 
those of the banks. 

The announcement of this scheme by the administration, 

caused great excitement in congress and among the people. 

It was very unfavorably received by the political friends of 
the president, in the different states, who were interested in 

banks. It was represented by the opposition as a direct . 

attack upon the banks and what was called the credit system. 

They insisted, that if the president's views were carried 

out, the prostration and destruction of all banks would be 

inevitable, and that finally a metalic currency would alone 



180 political landmarks; 

constitute the circulating medium, which would be wholly 
inadequate to the exigencies of the commercial community. 
Another consequence which they predicted, assuming that 
the banks were to be destroyed, was a reduction of prices, 
fatal and ruinous to the debtor. 

The official paper at the seat of government, the Globe, 
having been zealous and active in support of the new trea- 
sury scheme and in opposition to the banking system, the 
conservatives in the house of representatives opposed the 
election of the publishers of that paper (Messrs.' Blair and 
Rives) as printers to the house. After several ballotings, 
the whigs joined the conservatives, and elected Thomas 
Allen, editor of the Madisonian, a conservative newspaper, 
printer to the house. 

A bill to establish the proposed independent treasury was 
reported by Mr. Wright, chairman of the committee on 
finance, in the senate, and, after considerable discussion, 
passed that body by a vote of 26 ayes, to 20 noes. In op- 
posing the measure, Mr. Clay, said that, " the project was 
neither desirable nor practicable, nor within the constitu- 
tional power of the general government, nor just ; and that 
it was contrary to the habits of the people of the United 
States and dangerous to their liberties. He declared, that 
after the most deliberate and anxious consideration of which 
he was capable, he could conceive of no adequate remedy 
for the disorders which unhappily prevailed, which did not 
comprehend a national bank as an essential part. The 
great want of the country was a general and uniform cur- 
rency, and a point of union, a sentinel, a regulator of the 
issues of the local banks ; and that would be supplied by 
such an institution." No effort, however, was made at this 
time to introduce the question of a national bank, in con- 
gress, in consequence of the well known feelings of the 
president and his party against it. 

The sub-treasury bill from the senate was teken up in 
the house of representatives but after an excited debate it 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 181 

was laid on the table, by the combined vote of whigs and 
conservatives, ayes 120, noes 107. It was thus evident 
that the administration were in the minority on their favorite 
measure, in the popular branch, of congress. Having passed 
a bill postponing until January 1, 1839, the deposite with 
the states, of the fourth instalment of the surplus funds 
directed to be made with them ; acts authorizing the issue 
of ten millions of dollars in treasury notes, for the immediate 
wants of •government : appropriating $1,600,000 for the 
suppression of Indian hostilities in Florida ; extending the 
time of bonds for duties on imports ; and providing for ad- 
justing claims upon the late deposite banks, with a few acts 
of minor importance. 

The second session of the twenty-fifth congress com- 
mencnd on the 4th of December, 1837, and continued until 
the 9th of July, 1838. 

The independent, or sub-treasury scheme was again 
pressed upon the consideration of congress, by the presi- 
dent, and a bill for that purpose, similar to that proposed at 
the extra session, being reported in the senate, the subject 
underwent an elaborate discussion in that body. The bill 
was ably sustained by senators Wright and Benton, and op- 
posed also with ability by Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, and other 
whig senators. Mr. Clay's speech was of great length, and 
he endeavored to establish the following proposition : "First, 
that it was the deliberate purpose and fixed design of the 
administration of General Jackson to establish a govern- 
ment bank — a treasury bank — to be administered and con- 
trolled by the executive department. Secondly, that, with 
that view, and to that end, it was its aims and intention to 
overthrow the whole banking system, as existing in the 
United States when that administration came into power, 
beginning with the bank of the United States, and ending 
with the state banks. Thirdly, that the attack was first 
confined, from considerations of policy, to the bank of the 
United States; but that after its overthrow was accomplished. 



182 political landmarks; 

it was then directed, and has since been continued, against 
the state banks. Fourthly, that the present administration, 
by its acknowledgment, emanating from the highest and 
most authentic source, has succeeded to the principles, 
plans, and policy of the preceeding administration, and 
stands solemnly pledged to complete and perfect them. 
And fifthly, that the bill under consideration (the sub- 
treasury plan) was intended to execute the pledge, by 
establishing, upon the ruins of the late bank of tbe United 
States, and the state banks, a government bank, to be man- 
aged and controlled by the treasury department, acting 
under the commands of the president of the U. S." 

Among those who supported the sub-treasury bill in the 
senate, was Mr. Calhoun, of South-Carolina, who, with the 
South-Carolina members in the house of representatives, 
now sustained the administration. Mr. Preston, the sen- 
atorial colleague of Mr. Calhoun, acted with the opposition. 
The sub-treasury bill passed the senate, but was rejected 
in the house of representatives on the 25th of June, 1838, 
by 125 to 111 votes. This plan of finance was proposed 
originally in congress in 1834, by Mr. Gordon, of Virginia, 
' but was then opposed by the friends of the administration 
and rejected. A bill was passed at this session granting 
pre-emption rights to settlers on the public lands. Other 
important acts passed, were the following : to establish the 
territory of Iowa; granting land for opening a canal in the 
territory of Wisconsin ; to encourage the introduction and 
promote the cultivation of tropical fruits in the United States; 
making appropriations for lightboats and beacons, and 
making surveys ; authorizing the printing of the Madison 
papers ; to provide for certain harbors, and the improvement 
of navigation of certain rivers in Florida: making an ap- 
propriation for the Cumberland road ; appropriating money 
also for suppressing Indian hostilities and for fortifications. 
Mr. Preston, whig senator from South-Carolina, intro- 
duced, in the senate, resolutions in favor of the annexation 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 183 

of Texas to the United States, but they did not receive 
favorable action at this time. The independence of that 
republic had been recognised by the United States in the 
last year of General Jackson's administration. 

In June, 1838, Mr. Dickerson resigned the office of sec- 
retary of the navy, and James K. Paulding, of New- York., 
was appointed in his place. 

During this year serious disturbances against the colonial 
government occurred in Canada, and many of the citizens 
of the United States, on the northern frontiers prepared to 
join them. President Van Buren, therefore, issued a pro- 
clamation, calling upon all the persons engaged in the 
scheme of invasion of Canada, to abandon the design, and 
warning all those who had' engaged in these criminal 
enterprises, if persisted in, "to whatever condition they 
may be reduced, they must not expect the interference of 
the United States government, in any form, on their behalf, 
but would be left, reproached by every virtuous fellow- 
citizen^to be dealt with according to the policy and justice 
of 'that government whose dominions they have, in defiance 
of the known wishes and efforts of their own government, 
and without the shadow of justification, or excuse, nefa- 
riously invaded." 

Although there were many individuals largely interested 
in banks, who continued in good faith to support the demo- 
cratic party, and the administration of Mr. Van Buren, yet 
it was generally believed that the great mass of the banking 
interest was brought to bear against the administration. 
The state banks, in many instances, had sustained, with all 
their influence, General Jackson, in his veto of the United 
States bank bill, and in the transfer which he made of the 
deposites from the national to the state banks ; but when 
president Van Buren recommended the removal of the de- 
posites from the state banks, and the establishment of the 
independent treasury, it was quite another matter. 

The agitation of the currency question, and a combina-? 
tion of causes adverse to the administration, resulted in a 



184 political landmarks; 

great political change at the elections in the important state 
of New-York, in 1837 and 1838. The influence of these 
elections in the native state of the president, which had 
previously sustained him by large majorities, could not fail 
to act upon other states; and it was soon evident, not- 
withstanding partial successes of the democratic party in 
some of the states, that the administration was gradually de- 
clining in popularity. 

The twenty-fifth congress held its third session from 
December 1838, to the expiration of its term, on the 3d of 
March, 1839. But few acts of general interest were pas- 
sed. Among them may be named an act for preventing 
and suppressing Indian hostilities ; this law related partic- 
ularly to the difficulties with the Seminole tribe in Florida. 
The war with these Indians was continued during several 
years, and large sums were expended in maintaining it. 
In 1836, one million and a half of dollars were appropriated 
to prosecute that unfortunate contest. In January, 1837; 
two millions more were voted by congress for the same pur- 
pose. These appropriations were made before the retire- 
ment of General Jackson. At the extra session, in Octo- 
ber, in 1837, and in the two succeeding sessions, large 
amounts were again appropriated. When the difficulty 
arose with the Seminoles, president Jackson supposed that 
it would soon be terminated ; and no oue, at that time, had 
any reason to suppose that it would continue for years and 
have cost the government eight millions. 

Another act was passed at this session, locating and pro- 
viding for the Seminole Indians, who had been removed 
from Florida; another abolishing imprisonment for debt in 
certain cases. The aspect of our relations with Great 
Britain was at this time threatening, in consequence of the 
difficulty respecting the northeast boundary. Cong] 
therefore, passed an act giving to the president additional 
powers for the defence of the United States. 

During the summer of 1839, president Van Buren 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 185 

the state of New-York, for the first time since his election. 
He traveled through the state, stopping at the principal 
cities and villages. He was received with public honors, 
and followed by processions of citizens, civil and military. 
In an address made to him by Mr. Edmonds, formerly a 
state senator, upon his arrival at New-York, he made some 
remarks which rendered it necessary for Mr. Van Buren 
to speak of political parties and his political friends, and of 
course to express his strong attachment to those friends. 
This gave occasion to the opposition to represent, that in- 
stead of coming on a visit to the whole people, as a president 
of the United States ought to do, he was on an electioneer- 
ing tour, for the sole purpose of stimulating his friends to 
more active exertions, and of recruiting their dilapidated 
ranks by proselytes whom he was to gain from his politi- 
cal opponents. Hence everything he did, and every word 
he uttered, was the subject of the most critical and jealous 
scrutiny. 

In the election of members of the twenty-sixth congress, 
there had been a considerable gain for the whigs and con- 
servatives,* and, until the fall of J 839, it appeared probable 
that there would be an opposition majority in the house of 
representatives. But the friends of the administration made 
a desperate rally in a few of the last states which chose re- 
presentatives to the twenty-sixth congress, and succeeded 
in returning a small majority of the members elect, leaving 
out of view five of the six representatives from the state of 
New-Jersy, whose seats were contested. The full returns 
of members elected to the house of representatives were 
reported to stand thus: administration 119, opposition 118, 
and five members from New-Jersey claimed by both parties, 
the certificates of election being given to the whig candi- 
dates and their seats contested by the administration can- 
didates. Tn this situation of affairs, intense interest was 
felt throughout the country, with regard to the meeting of 
congress. 



186 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

The twenty-sixth congress met on the 2d of December, 
1839. Every member elect of the house of representatives 
was present except Mr. Kempshall (whig) from Monroe 
county, New- York, who was detained by sickness in his 
family. On the assembling of the house, the clerk of the 
last house, Mr. Garland, a friend of the administration, 
agreeably to the usual custom, commenced calling the roll ; 
and having called the members from the several New-Eng- 
land states and the state of New-York, and one of the six 
members from New-Jersey, who all brought the regular cer- 
tificates, proposed to pass by the other five (whose rights 
to seats would be contested) till the members from the rest 
of the states should be called. This brought on a long, 
animated and disorderly debate. Scenes of excitement and 
confusion continued until the 5th, when Mr. John Quincy 
Adams, of Massachusetts, addressed the members, and 
called upon them to organize, by choosing a chairman 
pro tern. Thereupon Mr. Rhett, of South-Carolina, nomi- 
nated Lewis Williams, of North-Carolina, as chairman : 
he declined; when Mr. Rhett nominated John Quincy 
Adams, who was immediately chosen chairman pro tetn., 
and entered upon the duties of the same The debate res- 
pecting the contested seats from New-Jersey was continued 
from day to day, till, on the 6th of December, Robert M. T. 
Hunter, of Virginia, an opposition member (but in favor of 
the sub-treasury,) was elected speaker on the 11th ballot 
He received 119 votes, to 113 for all others. On the 17th 
the members of the house of representatives were sworn 
with the exception of the five disputed members from New> 
Jersey. The whigs having the certificates of election, un 
der the broad seal of the governor, now came forward and 
demanded, as their right, to be sworn, which gave rise to 
anew and animated debate, and on the 20th the following 
resolution was decided in the negative, by a vote of 112 to 
116: "Resolved, That the representatives of the twenty- 
sixth congress, now present, do advise and request the 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 187 

speaker to administer the oath required by the law, to the 
five gentlemen from the state of New-Jersey who have pre- 
sented credentials to the speaker and demand to be sworn." 
On the 21st the house completed its organization, by the 
election of a clerk ; and on the 24th the president's message 
was delivered, just three weeks after the regular time. 

A national convention of the whig party was held at 
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4th of December, 1839, 
for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and 
vice-president of the United States. Great difference of 
opinion prevailed among the whigs, with respect to a suit- 
able candidate for president, regard being especially had 
to the importance of nominating one upon whom the differ- 
ent elements of which the opposition to the administration 
was composed, could unite with the cordiality and zeal re- 
quired to be effectual. 

It was the expectation of a large proportion of the whig 
party, especially of those who had been originally opposed 
to the administration of General Jackson, that Henry Clay 
of Kentucky, would receive the nomination of the national 
convention at Harrisburg, as the oppostion candidate for 
president. Some time before the assembling of that con- 
vention, it had been proclaimed that a clear majority of the 
whole number of delegates had been chosen as friendly to 
the nomination of Mr. Clay. Yet during the autumn of the 
year 1839, notwithstanding the unpopularity of the admin- 
istration, the whig party met with defeats in the elections 
in Tennessee, Georgia, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Massa- 
chusetts, Pennsylvania and Maine. In New- Jersey they 
held the legislature, with a strong majority against them in 
the popular vote. In New-York the whig majority in the 
state was obout 4,000 on the vote for senators, against 10,- 
000 in 1838, and 15,000 in 1837. In North-Carolina the 
whig triumph was not of a decisive character. These results 
showed that the opposition were losing in 1839 the advan- 
tages they had gained in 1837 and 1828, and this cast a 
shadow over the spirits of the reflecting friends of Mr. Clay, 



188 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

Under these circumstances, many of those friends began to 
doubt the expediency of placing him in nomination in oppo- 
sition to Mr. Van Buren, porticulariy when it was known 
that the friends of the administration were desirous that 
Mr. Clay should be the opposition candidate. In that case, 
inasmuch as they believed that gentleman could not concen- 
trate the opposition vote in his favor, they anticipated an 
easy victory for the democratic party at the approaching 
election. 

Mr. Clay himself seemed to acquiesce in the doubts ex- 
pressed by some of his friends, as to his own comparative 
strength with the whig party. In the summer of 1839, he 
made a visit for health and recreation, to the country on the 
lakes, Canada and the state of New- York. At the city of 
Buffalo, he yielded to the request of his friends, to address 
the people on the state of public affairs. Alluding to the 
approaching nomination and election of president, he said : 
•' To correct past evils and avert impending dangers, we 
see no effectual remedy, but in a change of our rulers. The 
opposition constitutes the majority — unquestionably the ma- 
jority — of the nation. A great responsibility, therefore, 
attaches to it. If defeated, it will be by its own divisions, 
and not by the merits of the principles of its opponents. 
These divisions are at the same time our weakness and their 
strength. 

" Are we not, then, called upon, by the highest duties to 
our country, to its free institutions, to posterity, and to the 
world, to rise above all local prejudices, and personal par- 
tialities, to discard all collateral questions, to disregard 
every subordinate point, and in a genuine spirit of compro- 
mise and concession, uniting heart and hand, to preserve 
for ourselves the blessings of a free government, wisely, 
honestly, and faithfully administered, and as we received 
them from our fathers, to transmit to our children ? Should 
we not justly subject ourselves to eternal reproach if we 
permit our differences about mere men to bring defeat and 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 189 

disaster upon our cause ? Our principles are imperishable, 
but men have but a fleeting existence, and are themselves 
liable to change and corruption during its brief continuance. 

"If my name creates any obstacle to union and harmony, 
away with it, and concentrate upon some individual more 
acceptable to all branches of the opposition. What is a 
public man w r orth, who is not ready to sacrifice himself for 
the good of his country? I have unaffectedly desired retire- 
ment, I yet desire it, when, consistently with the duties and 
obligations which I owe, I can honorably retire." 

In the ranks of the opposition to the administration were 
many who had formerly supported the election of General 
Jackson, and still retained a prejudice against Mr. Clay ; 
there were also in the same ranks, large numbers of anti- 
masons who were unwilling to support a mason for the pre- 
sidency, and Mr. Clay had been a member of the lodge, 
then came the anti-tariff whigs in the southern states, and 
the squatters on the public lands, at the west ; with both of 
which classes Mr. Clay was unpopular, from the measures 
advocated by him in congress, being adverse to their views 
and feelings. In view of these circumstances and believing 
that to command success the whig candidate for the pre- 
sidency must receive the united support of the different 
branches of the opposition, many of the leading whigs ex- 
erted themselves to prevent the nomination of Mr. Clay. It 
was even charged by those friends who were anxious for his 
nomination, that intriguers were busy, before the meeting 
of the convention, by correspondence and otherwise, in 
circulating false reports with regard to Mr. Clay's unpop- 
ularity, and thus influencing the election of delegates and 
their action in convention. 

On the meeting of the convention at Harrisburg, three 
names were presented as candidates for the nomination of a 
president of the United States, namely, Henry Clay, of Ken- 
tucky, Gen. William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, and General 
Winfield Scott of the United States Army ; all three of whom 



190 political landmarks; 

were natives of'Virginia. Twenty-two states were repre- 
sented in the convention, and on an informal ballot per cap' 
ita, it was found that Mr. Clay had a decided plurality, but 
neither of the candidates had a clear majority of the dele- 
gates. It was then determined to vote by states, each state 
to be entitled to as many votes as it had electoral votes. On 
the first ballot, 103 votes were given to Clay, 94 to Harrison, 
and 57 to Scott; after which each delegation compared views, 
and endeavored to ascertain which of the three candidates 
had the best prospects of success, *if nominated. The re- 
sult of their inquiries was a decided preponderance of 
chances in favor of General Harrison, and after being in 
session three days, the convention took a final ballot, when, 
Harrison received 148 votes, Clay 90, and Scott 16. Will- 
iam Henry Harrison was therefore declared duly nominated 
as the whig candidate for president. John Tyler of Virgin- 
ia, was unanimously nominated for vice-president. Mr. Ty- 
ler had been a candidate for the same office in 1836 ; was 
now a member of the convention, and had been anxious for 
the nomination of Mr. Clay. 

Those friends of Mr. Clay in the convention who adher- 
ed to him as the best candidate, expressed their cordial con- 
currence in the decision in favor of General Harrison. A 
letter from Mr. Clay to one of the delegates was read, in 
which he remarked, that '• if the deliberation of the conven- 
tion should lead them to the choice of another, as the can- 
didate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent, the 
nomination would have his best wishes and receive his cor- 
dial support." 

The example of Mr. Clay was followed throughout the 
Union, notwithstanding the first feelings of disappointment, 
with which the decision of the convention was received by 
many. The nomination of Harrison and Tyler was every- 
where popular, and united in its support the entire force of 
the opposition. 

The national democratic convention, consisting of about 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 191 

250 members, from twenty-one states, met* at Baltimore on 
the 5th of May, 1840. Mr. Van Buren was unanimously 
nominated for president, and the convention resolved to 
make no nomination for vice-president, leaving each state to 
make its own nomination of a candidate for that office. 
The principal candidates nominated in the different states 
for vice-president, were the present incumbent, R. M. John- 
son, of Kentncky, and James K. Polk of Tennessee. 

The early part of the first session of congress was taken 
up, in the house, in discussiona respecting the contesced 
seats of the New-Jersey members. That matter being set- 
tled, by admitting the democratic claimants to the seats, the 
house proceeded to the consideration of subjects submitted to 
them by the president. Long and able debates took place 
on the bill for establishing an "independent treasury," which 
had been twice rejected by the last congress. It was now- 
passed, toward the close of the session, and was signed by 
the president on the 4th of July, 1840, when it became a 
law. A bankrupt law being much called for by the trading 
community, a bill was introduced at this session, and pass- 
ed the senate, but was laid on the table in the house of rep- 
resentatives, 101 to 89. 

But few laws of general interest were passed at this ses- 
sion. Appropriations for fortifications, and for the usua 
expenditures of government were made. An act was pass- 
ed to refund to Matthew Lyon the amount with interest, 
paid by him as a fine for violating the sedition law. 

Some changes took place in the cabinet, in addition to 
those already mentioned. In 1838, Benjamin F. Butler re- 
signed as attorney-general, and Felix Grundy of Tennessee, 
was appointed in his place, in 1839, Mr. Grundy resigned, 
and Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania received the appoint- 
ment in his place ; Amos Kendall resigned the office of post- 
master-general^ and John M. Niles, of Connecticut, was ap- 
pointed in his'place, on the 25th of May, 1840. 

The elections for state officers in the several states, during 



T92 political landmarks; 

the summer and "autumn of 1840, indicated the success of 
the .whigs at the approaching presidential election. The 
contest of the two great parties at the latter was the most 
exciting and arduous ever witnessed in the United States. 
Electoral tickets in favor of the re-election of Mr. Van Bu- 
ren were formed in every state in the Union, and the whigs 
also nominated electors in every state except South-Carolina. 

A third party, in favor of the abolition of slavery, had 
also been for some time organized, and now nominated as a 
candidate for Resident, James G. Birney of Michigan. 

The result of the election was the success of the whig 
candidates, Harrison and Tyler, by a large majority in the 
electoral colleges, and on the popular vote. 

The second session of the 26th congress was held from 
the 7th of December, 1840, to the 3d of March, 1841, 
when their term expired. Very few acts of public interest 
or importance passed at this session. Appropriations were 
made for certain fortifications, and for Indian affairs; and 
an act was passed authorizing another issue of treasury 
notes. A bankrupt law was again discussed, but was not 
definitely acted upon. 

The public expenditures during this administration great- 
ly exceeded those of any preceding four years, since the 
war with Great Britain, exclusive of the public debt and the 
Florida Indian war. Public agents were multiplied, and 
increased compensation, in many coses, allowed them for 
their services. Large sums were lost to the national treas- 
ury by the defalcation of public officers, and the failure of 
the deposite banks. 

In the fall of 1840, General William Henry Harrison was 
elected president of the United States, upon the whig tick- 
et, over Martin Van Buren, who had been re-nominated by 
the democrats. 

The following is the electoral vote upon The election of 
General Harrison, in 1840 : 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 193 

Harrison* Vcai Buren. 

Maine, - - 10 

New-Hampshire, ■"-',■.". 7 

Vermont, - - - 7 

Massachusetts,, - - - 14 

Rhode-Island, - - 4 

Connecticut, 8 

New-York, - - - - 42 

New-Jersey, 8 

Pennsylvania, - - - 30 

Delaware, . _ _ 3 

Maryland, - - - - 10 

Virginia, - - v .. ; - .. - 23 

North-Carolina, - - - 15 

South-Carolina, - 11 

Georgia, - - - - 11 

Alabama, - 7 

Mississippi, - - - 4 

Louisiana, 5 

Tennessee, - - - - 15 

Kentucky, - - 15 

Ohio, - - - ^21 

Indiana, 9 

Illinois, . . - - - 5 

Missouri, .... 4 

Arkansas, -'='.-- 3 

Michigan, - - = =3 

234 60 

The manner in which this contest was carried on, was 
entirely new, and somewhat singular in many respects. 
The candidate of the whigs having never been placed be- 
fore the people of the nation for an elective office, and 
therefore uncommitted upon the prominent measures then 
agitated by the people, he avowed no distinct principles by 
which he would be governed, in the event of his election, 
which fact annoyed the democracy of the country sorely, 

• 



194 political landmarks; 

The views of Mr. Van Buren were familiar to the people of all 
the states, in consequence, particularly, of his having been 
so long in political life, and then an occupant of the presi- 
dential chair. His opponents always accused Mr. Van Bu- 
ren of non-committalism, which was doubtless true to some 
extent, but his position rendered it impossible that his 
views should be concealed from public view. There were 
those in the democratic ranks, who differed with him on the 
subject of a tariff— there were others Avho differed with him 
upon the subject of internal improvement — and there were 
still others who differed with him upon the currency ques. 
tion; upon the line of policy pursued by him in carrying out 
the sub-treasury scheme. The latter subject turned the 
state banking interest against him. Upon all those ques- 
tions Mr Van Buren stood committed before the country, 
while General Harrison's were not made public, but those 
engaged in carrying on this singular warfare were careful 
to commit General Harrison, in their speeches in favor of 
this or that measure, according to the beatings of the pub- 
lic pulse in the latitude of their labors. The contest w*S 
one probably more exciting than any one which has ever be- 
before or since transpired. The feeling of enmity between 
neighbors, even found its way to the social circles. In fact, 
it was an excitement which, we believe, all would deprecate 
to see re-enacted in this country. 

Mr. Van Buren had rather leaned in favor of southern 
measures and southern institutions, which created a vast 
feeling against him at the north. He was denominated 
by the opposition in the northern and western states, as be- 
ing the " northern man with southern principles." This 
position before the public operated \«r\ materially against 
him, as upon other subjects, the views of Ins opponent 
were not laid before the public. Mr. Van Buren received 
but twelve electoral votes from northern states, (New-Hamp- 
shire 7, and Illinois 5,) while he received forty-eight electo- 
ral votes from southern slaveholding states, (Virginia 23— 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 195 

South-Carolina 11 — Alabama 7 — Missouri 4 — and Arkan- 
sas 3,) such was the feeling at that time upon the subject 
of southern institutions. 4 

The inauguration of General Harrison as president of the 
United States, took place on the 4th of March, 1841. The 
city of Washington was thronged with people, many of whom 
were from the most distant part of the Union. A proces- 
sion was formed, civic and military, from the quarters of 
the president elect to the capitol. General Harrison was 
mounted on a white charger, accompanied by several person- 
al friends, and his immediate escort were the officers and 
soldiers who had fought under him. The scene, as describ- 
ed in the National Intelligencer, was highly imposing, 
The ladies everywhere, from the windows on each side of 
the avenue waved their handherchiefs in token of their 
kind feelings, and General Harrison returned their smiles 
and greetings with repeated bows. The enthusiastic cheers 
of the citizens who moved in the procession were, with 
equal enthusiasm, responded to by thousands of citizen spec- 
tators who lined Pennsylvania avenue or appeared at the 
side windows, in the numerous balconies, on the tops of 
houses, or on other elevated stands. 

At the capitol, the senate having been convened, by the 
late president, in extra session, assembled at the appointed 
hour, and was organized by the appointment of Mr. King, 
of Alabama, president pro tern.; after which Mr. Tyler, the 
vice-president elect, took the oath of office, and on taking 
his seat as presiding officer, delivered a brief and appro- 
priate address to the senate. The judges of the supreme 
court, the diplomatic corps, and several distinguished 
officers of the army and navy, were present in the senate 
chamber. 

At twenty minutes past twelve o'clock, General Harrison 
entered and took the seat prepared for him, in front of the 
secretary's table. He looked cheerful but composed : his 
bodily health was manifestly good ; there was an alertness in 



196 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

his movement which was quite astonishing, considering his 
advanced age, the multiplied hardships through which his 
frame had passed, and the fatigues he had lately undergone. 
After he had retained his seat for a few minutes, prepara- 
tions were made for forming the line of procession to the 
platform prepared for the ceremony of the inauguration, 
erected over the front steps of the portico of the east front 
of the capitol. 

On the platform, seats had been provided for the president 
elect and the chief-justice, who were placed immediately in 
front. On their right, seats were assigned to the diplomatic 
corps. Behind sat members of both houses of congress, 
officers of the army and navy, and many distinguished 
characters from different parts of the union, intermingled 
with a great company of ladies who occupied, not only the 
steps in the rear of the platform, but both the broad abut- 
ments of stone which support the steps on either side. 

But the sight which attracted and arrested and filled the 
eye of the observer, was the people. They stood for hours 
in a solid dense mass, variously estimated to contain in the 
space before the capitol from thirty to sixty thousand. 

While patiently waiting for the arrival of the president, 
the mass of heads resembled some placid lake ; but the 
instant he was seen advancing from the capitol, it suddenly 
resembled the same lake when a blast from the mountains 
has descended upon it, thrown it into tumultuous agitation, 
and " lifted up its hands on high." A deafening shout went 
up from the hearts and voices of the people. It sung wel- 
come to the man .whom the people delighted to honor, and 
must have met with overwhelming power, the throbbings of 
his own bosom. 

When the uproar had subsided, it was succeeded by the 
deep stillness of expectation, and the new president forth- 
with proceeded to read, in accents loud and clear, his 
mldifss to the nation. In its delivery, the voice of General 
Harrison never nagged, but to the end retained il 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, 197 

commanding tone. As he touched on successive topics 
lying near the hearts of the people, their sympathy with his 
sentiments was manifested by shouts which broke forth 
involuntarily from time to time ; and when the reading of the 
address was concluded, they were renewed and prolonged 
without restraint. 

Previous to delivering the closing sentences of the ad- 
dress, the oath of office, tendered by chief-justice Taney, 
was taken by the president, in tones loud, distinct, and 
solemn, manifesting a due and deep impression of the act ; 
after which the president pronounced the remaining passage 
of his address. 

The cannon then announced to the country that it had a 
new chief magistrate. The procession was again formed ; 
and setting out from the capitol, proceeded along Pennsyl- 
vania avenue, to the mansion of the president, cheered 
throughout the whole route as General Harrison passed, by 
the immense crowds on foot, which lined the avenue and 
filled the doors and windows of the buildings. 

Nearly the whole throng of visitors accompanied the pre- 
sident to his new abode, and as many as possible entered, 
and paid their personal respects to him. The close of the 
day was marked by the repetition of salutes from the artil- 
lery, the whole city being yet alive with a population of 
strangers and residents, whom the mildness of the season 
invited into the open air. 

In the evening, the several ball-rooms and places of 
amusement were crowded with gentlemen and ladies 
attracted to Washington city by the novelty and interest of 
the occasion. In the course of the evening the president 
paid a short visit to each of the assemblies held in honor of 
the inauguration, and was received with the warmest de- 
monstrations of attachment and respect. 

The president immediately nominated to the senate the 
members of his cabinet, as follows : Daniel Webster, of 
Massachusetts, secretary of state ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, 



198 political landmarks; 

secretary of the treasury ; John Bell, of Tennessee, secretary 
of war; George E. Badger, of North-Carolina, secretary of 
the navy ; Francis Granger, of New-York, postmaster-gen- 
eral ; John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general. 
These nominations were all confirmed by the senate. That 
body also confirmed a number of other nominations by the 
president, chiefly to fill vacancies; and after electing a 
sergeant-at-arms, and dismissing Messrs. Blair and Rives 
as printers to the senate, also having elected Samuel L. 
Southard, of New- Jersey, president p-o tem., the senate 
adjourned on the 15th of March. 

The members of the diplomatic body, or foreign ministers 
in Washington accredited to the government of the United 
States, waited on the president on the 9th of March, and 
through Mr. Fox, the British minister, being presented by 
the secretary of state, made to him an appropriate address, 
congratulating him upon his accession to the presidency. 
To this address the president of the United States, made 
the following reply : — 

" Sir : I receive with great pleasure the congratulations 
you have been pleased to offer me, in the name of the dis- 
tinguished diplomatic body now present, the representatives 
of the most powerful and polished nations with whom the 
republic which has honored me with the office of its chief 
magistrate, has the most intimate relations — relations which 
I trust no sinister event, will, for ages, interrupt. 

" The sentiments contained in my late address to my 
fellow-citizens, and to which you have been pleased to 
advert, are those which will continue to govern my conduct 
through the whole of my administration. Lately one of the 
people, the undisputed sovei< ion of the country, and coming 
immediately from among them, I am enabled, with con- 
fidence to say, that in thus acting, T shall be sustained by 
their undivided approbation. 

" I beg leave to add, sir, that both from duty and inclin- 
ation, I shall omit nothing in my power to contribute to 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 199 

your own personal happiness and that of the friends, whom, 
on this occasion, you represent, as long as you may con- 
tinue among us." 

The other ministers, with their secretaries, and the 
persons attached to their respective missions, were then 
successively presented to the president. The Russian min- 
ister was prevented from being present by indisposition ; 
but on the 12th of March he was presented to the president, 
by the secretary of state, and to his address on the occasion, 
the president replied as follows : 

" I receive, sir, the congratulations which you offer me 
in your capacity of envoy extraordinary and minister pleni- 
potentiary oY the emperor of all the Russias, upon my elec- 
tion to the presidency of the United States with great 
pleasure. 

" From the epoch which introduced the United States to 
the world, as an independent nation, the most amicable re- 
lations have existed between them and the powerful and 
distinguished monarchs who have successively swayed the 
sceptre of Russia. The presidents, my predecessors, acting 
in behalf and under the authority of the people, their con- 
stituents, have never failed to use every proper occasion to 
confirm and strengthen the friendship so auspiciously com- 
menced, and which a mutuality of interests, render so desir- 
able to be continued. I assure you, sir, that none of them 
felt the obligations of this duty more powerfully than I do ; 
and you cannot in language too strong communicate to your 
august monarch my sentiments on this subject. And per- 
mit me to add, that no more acceptable medium of communi- 
cating them could have been offered than that of a personage 
who has rendered himself so acceptable, as well to the 
people as to the government of the United States." 

From the moment General Harrison was elected presi- 
dent, his heart was filled with gratitude to the people, to 
whom indeed he had always been devoted. Anxious to 
fulfil the wishes of his political friends, he received with 



200 political landmarks; 

kindness and attention the numerous applicants for office 
who thronged the seat of government ; and although he 
would doubtless have been better pleased to have deferred 
many appointments for a time, yet a considerable number 
of removals were made by him ; and appointments made, in 
compliance with the views of the cabinet, during the month 
of March. In the generosity of his heart, he invariably 
opened the doors of the president's mansion wide to the re- 
ception of his friends, and that house was the abode of hos- 
pitality and kindness. He indulged his friends to his own 
destruction. From sunrise till midnight, he indulgently 
devoted himself to his fellow-citizens who visited him, with 
the exception of an hour each day spent in cabinet council. 
It was his habit, after rising, first to peruse his bible, and 
then to take a walk before breakfast. And afterward, the 
whole day would be spent in receiving company and trans- 
acting business. 

On Saturday, March 27, president Harrison, after several 
day's previous indisposition from the effects of a cold, was 
seized with a chill and other symptoms of fever. These 
were followed by pneumonia, or bilious pleurisy, which ul- 
timately baffled all medical skill, and terminated his virtuous, 
useful, and illustrious life, on Sunday morning, the 4th of 
April, after an illness of eight days, being a little over 68 
years of age. 

The last time the president spoke, was at nine o'clock 
on Saturday night, a little more than three hours before he 
expired. While Doctor Worthington and one or two other 
attendants were standing over him, having just administered 
something to his comfort, he cleared his throat, as if desir- 
ing to speak audibly, and, as though he fancied himself ad- 
dressing his successor, or some official associate in the govern- 
ment, said : — " Sir, I wish you to understand the prin- 
ciples OP THE GOVERNMENT. I WISH THEM CARRIED OUT. 
I ASK NOTHING MORE," 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 201 

He expired a little after midnight, surrounded by those 
members of his family who were in the city, the members 
of his cabinet and many personal friends, among whom were 
Colonels Chambers and Todd, who were the aids of General 
Harrison at the battle of the Thames, in 1S13. The con- 
nexions of the president who were present in the executive 
mansion at the time of his decease, were the following i- 2 - 
Mrs. William Harrison (son's widow) ; Mrs. Taylor, of Rich- 
mond (niece) ; Mr. D. O. Coupeland (nephew) ; Henry 
Harrison, of Virginia (grand nephew), and Findlay Har- 
rison, of Ohio (grandson). 

General Harrison left one son and three daughters, all 
living at or near North-Bend, Ohio. Four sons and a 
daughter died before their father. All of the sons left 
children. 

In person, General Harrison was tall and slender. Al- 
though he never had the appearance of possessing a robust 
constitution, yet such had been the effects of habitual acti- 
vity and temperance, that few men at his age enjoyed so 
much bodily vigor. He had a fine dark eye, remarkable 
for its keenness, fire, and^intelligence, and his face was 
strongly expressive of the vivacity of his mind, and the be- 
nevolence of his character. 

The most remarkable traits of General Harrison's char- 
acter, and those by which he was distinguished throughout 
his whole career, were his disinterestedness, his regard for 
the rights and comforts of others, his generous disposition, 
his mild and forbearing temper, and his plain, easy, and 
unostentatious manner. 

After the death of General Harrison, the cabinet, con- 
sisting of Daniel Webster, Thomas Ewing, John Bell, John 
J. Crittenden, and Francis Granger addressed a letter to 
John Tyler, informing him of the fact, when the latter left 
immediately for Washington, where he arrived on the 
morning of the 6th April, on which day he took the usual 



202 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

oath of office as the acting president, and on the next day 
attended the funeral of the deceased president elect. 

The cabinet appointed by General Harrison was retained 
by John Tyler. 

In entering upon the duties of the office of president, 
Mr. Tyler did not feel (to use his own words, in his message 
to congress) that it would be becoming in him to disturb 
what had been ordered by his lamented predecessor. He 
therefore concurred in the measure which had been adopted 
by president Harrison, of convening congress in extra ses- 
sion on the 31st of May. " His own first wish," he stated, 
11 in the circumstances in which he was so unexpectedly 
placed, would have been, to have called to his aid, in the 
administration of public affairs, the combined wisdom of 
the two houses of congress, in order to take their counsel 
and advise as to the best mode of extricating the govern- 
ment and the country from the embarrassments weighing 
heavily on both." 

After the call of the extra session, and previous to the 
meeting, members of congress were elected in the states 
of Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Maryland, Virginia, North- 
Carolina, Alabama, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois 
and Missouri. The state of Mississippi was not represented 
at the extra session, as no special election was ordered, and 
the annual election in that state took place in the month 
of November following. The members from Illinois were 
elected at the annual election in August, and took their 
seats in the house during the session. 

The result of the elections ;it this time were equally 
favorable to the whig party with those which took place in 
1840, immediately preceding the presidential election. The 
majority in favor of the new administration in the 27th con- 
gress, according to the returns «»t members elect, was seven 
in the senate, and one vacancy; and about fifty in the 
house of representatives. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 203 

The hopes of the democratic incumbents in office which 
were awakened on the accession of Mr. Tyler to the pre- 
sidency, were soon dissipated by the course he felt bound 
to pursue with regard to removals and appointments. The 
applications and importunities of office-seekers, which had 
commenced immediately after the inauguration of president 
Harrison, and which were temporarily suspended by his 
death, were renewed with increased vigor after his succes- 
sor was invested with the power and patronage of the exe- 
cutive. A few days only had transpired after his accession, 
when the removal of the friends of the late administration 
from office was commenced by the new president ; and 
their places were filled by whigs and conservatives. The 
removals and appointments continued to follow each other 
in rapid succession, and a similar course was pursued by 
the postmaster-general, with the sanction of the president, 
with respect to the numerous postmasters throughout the 
Union. President Tyler thus showed a disposition to gra- 
tify the desires and expectations of his political friends, 
with regard to office, even before the senate had an oppor- 
tunity to act on the subject. 

A brief review and notice of political parties in the United 
States, at this period, is deemed appropriate in this place, 
for the purpose of showing the position of the president and 
the new administration, with regard to measures of public 
policy and the course of events. 

We have seen, in the sketches already given of various 
administrations, that the federal party which was thrown 
into the minority on the accession of Jefferson, and con- 
tinued in opposition to the administration of that president, 
and that of his successor, Mr. Madison, became extinct, as 
a national party, soon after the termination of the war with 
Great Britain in 1815. In some of the states the name 
was kept up for a short* period, but after a few feeble strug- 
gles the name of federalist became so unpopular that it was 
abandoned during the administration of president Monroe, 



204 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

whose management of the affairs of the nation was so satis- 
factory to all parties, that opposition for a time ceased. 
The parties which were subsequently formed for the sup- 
port of Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay, for the pre- 
sidency, were more of a personal character than marked by 
distinct political principles ; those who had been called 
federalists as well as democrats being found among the ad- 
herents of each of those candidates for the presidency. 
When General Jackson was elected president, his sup- 
porters claimed the name of democrats, and his opponents 
at first called themselves national republicans, but when 
joined by seceders from the administration ranks, in 1833 
and 1834, they took the name of whigs. Thus the two 
great national parties which divided the country at the ac- 
cession of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, in 1837, were 
respectively known by the name of democrats and whigs. 
With the latter, several minor parties of more limited ex- 
tent, or local in character, generally acted, and the greater 
portion of these parties gradually became amalgamated with, 
and formed part of the whig party. Such were the anti- 
masons of the middle and eastern states ; the state-rights 
men of the south who disapproved of the removal of the 
public deposites from the United States bank, and other 
acts of General Jackson ; and those supporters of General 
Jackson in Tennessee, Georgia, and other states, who were 
opposed to Mr. Van Buren as his successor. 

The party called democratic, which supported the admi- 
nistration of General Jackson, and Mr. Van Buren as his 
successor, becam^ themselves divided, particularly in the 
northern and middle states, even previous to the election of 
the latter to the presidency. In 1835, there arose in the 
city of New-York, in the ranks of the democratic party, a 
combination in opposition tq banks and other moneyed in- 
stitutions, which afterward took the name of locofocos, or 
equal-rights party. The working-men's party, which arose 
in the cities of New- York and Philadelphia, in 18*29, and 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 205 

dissolved in about two years afterwards, was the progenitor, 
to some extent, of the locofoco or equal-rights party. Cer- 
tain it is, that most of the measures advocated by the former, 
some of which were introduced into the United States 
from Great Britain, by Mr. Eobert .Dale Owen and Miss 
Francess Wright, who for some time published a newspaper 
in New-York, called *' The Free Enquirer," were decided- 
ly popular with the latter, and both were equally hostile to 
banks, and other moneyed institutions, which they consi- 
dered monopolies. Nevertheless, it was Andrew Jackson, 
in his contest with the bank of the United States, who en- 
kindled the highest opposition in that direction, and the 
enthusiasm which he excited against the national bank soon 
extended itself to the state banks. The New- York election 
of 1834, with the strong pledge against monopolies which 
the candidates for members of congress and the legislature, 
of the democratic party in that city, were required to sign, 
together with speeches and resolutions of the same charac- 
ter, at political meetings, as well as the circumstances pre- 
viously mentioned, all combined to plant- deeply in the 
minds of that party the seeds of hostility to monopolies. 
Consequently, the democratic party became divided within 
itself. On the one side (in favor of banks and other cor- 
porations) were the great majority of the leading men of 
the party, and nearly ail the office-holders under the gene- 
ral state, and city administrations: on the other, comprising 
then but a small section, composed principally of mechanics 
and other -working-men, were those calling themselves free- 
trade, anti-monopoly, hard-money men. s 

The equal-rights party at first deemed it advisable to 
exercise great caution and secrecy in their movements. It 
required both moral and physical courage to attack the 
usages and organization of the democratic party, which 
were then controlled by those favorable to banking institu- 
tions. But at the election in the city of New-York, for a 
member of congress and members of the legislature, in the 



206 political landmarks; 

autumn of 1835, it was determined to oppose the nomina- 
tion of certain persons who were brought forward by the 
friends of banks, which meeting we have previously descri- 
bed, at which originated the title of " locofoco." 

The recommendation of a separation of the financial 
concerns of the United States government from the state 
banks, brought forward by president Van Buren, in his mes- 
sage to the extra session of congres in 1837, created a di- 
vision in the ranks of the supporters of his administration, 
which was first exhibited in congress, but soon extended 
among the people. Those democrats who were opposed to 
an exclusive specie currency, and the sub-treasury scheme 
recommended by Mr. Van Buren, and those in favor of 
banks as depositories of the public moneys, became a dis- 
tinct section or the party were called *' conservatives!" 
Those who adhered to these views eventually joined the 
whigs in opposition to Mr. Van Buren's administration, and 
in 1840, aided in the election of Harrison and Tyler. 

With regard to the state rights men, or those originally 
attached to the democratic party, who had disapproved of 
the removal of the deposites from the United States bank, 
and some other acts of General Jackson ; most of them 
opposed to the election of Mr. Van Buren. and eventually 
amalgamated with the whig party. A considerable portion 
of the state-rights men, however, among whom was Mr. 
John C. Calhoun, and a majority of the people of South- 
Carolina, left the whigs soon after the accession of Mr. Van 
Buren to the presidency, and became supporters of his ad- 
ministration, particularly sustaining his views respecting 
the sub-treasury and other currency measures Conse- 
quently, the vote of South-Carolina was given to Mr. Van 
Buren, when he was a candidate for tin', re-election to the 
presidency in 1840. 

The election of 1840, which elevated Gen. Harrison and 
Mr. Tyler, was effected by the joint efforts of the whigs and 
conservatives, the latter for all political purposes, becoming 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 207 

• 

merged in the whig party. The party which supported the 
election of Mr. Van Buren in 1840, calling themselves dem- 
ocrats, while their opponents gave them the name of loco- 
focos, were then united throughout the country in advoca- 
ting the measures of Mr. Van Buren's administration, par- 
ticularly his recommendation of a sub-treasury, or the sep- 
aration of the national funds from the state banks and the 
collection of the public revenues in gold and silver. 

After his nomination for vice-president in 1840, and pre- 
vious to the election, Mr. Tyler avowed himself a firm and 
decided whig, stating that on the subject of Mr. Clay's com- 
promise tariff law then in operation, which he considered a 
protective tariff, and the distribution of the proceeds of the 
public lands among the states, he concurred with Mr. Clay 
and Gen. Harrison, on the subject of a national bank, he 
said, in a letter replying to one from the democratic citizens 
of Steubenville, in Oct. 1840 : " My opinion of the power 
of congress to charter a bank of the United States, remains 
unchanged. There is not in the constitution any express 
grant of a power for such a purpose, and it never could be 
constitutional to exercise that power, save in the event that 
the powers granted to congress could not be carried out with_ 
out resorting to such an institution." 

In another letter to several citizens of Henrico county ,Va., 
dated in October, 1840, he remarked: "My votes are repeat- 
edly recorded on the journals of congress, against the pow- 
er of congress over the subject of internal improvement, in 
all its phases and aspects, as well in regard to roads and ca- 
nals, as to harbors and rivers. The first, viz : appropria- 
tions to roads and canals, have well nigh entirely ceased, 
while annual appropriations, to a large amount, have been 
made to harbors and rivers, with the sanction and approval 
of the president of the United States." 

The 27th congfess met in extra session, on the 31st day of 
May, 1841 . The session closed on the 13th of September 
following. John White, a whig member from Kentucky, 



20§ political landmarks; 

elected speaker of the house of representatives, having re- 
ceived on the first vote, viva voce, 121 votes against 84 for 
John W. Jones, of Virginia, (democrat,) and 16 scattering. 
In the senate, as already stated, there was also a decided ma- 
jority in favor of the administration. 

A committee of the house being proposed to join one from 
the senate, as usual, to wait on the president of the United 
States, and inform him that a quorum of the two houses 
had assembled, and that congress was ready to proceed to 
business, &c. Mr. McKeon of New-York, moved to amend 
the resolution appointing a committee, by striking out the 
words " president," and inserting the words " vice-presi- 
dent; now occupying the office of president of the United 
States." This motion, Mr. McKeon supported in a consti- 
tutional argument, which was. replied to by Mr. Wise of Vir- 
ginia, and the amendment was rejected, and the original 
adopted, by which the house recognised John Tyler as pres- 
ident of the United States. 

The message of the president, was generally well receiv- 
ed by the friends of the administration. Though cautious- 
ly worded on the subject of a national bank, and somewhat 
ambiguous as to his own views with regard to such an insti- 
tution, it was believed he would sanction any bill that might re- 
ceive the support of a majority of both houses of congress for 
the incorporation of a bank or fiscal agent for the regulation 
of the currency, and for managing the furtds of the government. 

At the opening of the session, the president's message was 
accompanied by the report of the secretary of the treasury. 
This paper earnestly recommended the establishment of a 
bank. It added : "If such an institution can be so con- 
ceived in principle, and guarded in its details as to remove 
all scruples touching the question of constitutional power, 
and thus avoid the objections which have been urged against 
those heretofore created by congress, it will, in the opinion 
of the undersigned, produce the happiest results, and confer 
lasting and important benefits on the country." 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 209 

The bank was thus brought distinctly to the consideration 
of congress, both by the president and the secretary. 

The president was desirous that congress should call on 
the secretary to report apian for a bank. He expressed this 
wish to more than one member, immediately on the opening 
of the session ; in fact, invited the call. Mr. Wise, his con- 
fidential friend, introduced a resolution to this end, into the 
house on the third of June. Mr. Clay did the same thing 
in the senate oil the seventh of June. 

On the 12th of June the secretary, Mr. Ewing, made his 
report, and with it a bill for the incorporation of " the Fiscal 
Bank of the United States." 

The bill was represented by the secretary as creating an 
institution, in the general plan and frame of which, he had 
endeavored to free it from the constitutional objections 
which have been urged against those heretofore created by 
congress. 

The plan accordingly differed from the former bank of 
the United States, in two essential characteristics — both of 
which, it was understood, were introduced upon Mr. Tyler's 
suggestion, and in deference to his peculiar views of the 
constitution. 

First — It proposed a bank to be incorporated in the 
District of Columbia. 

Second — It was to have power to establish branches, 
only with the assent of the States. 

Many provisions were made to guard against the abuses 
which were known, or alleged to have crept into the old 
bank. 

The amount of capital named was thirty millions of 
dollars ; in other respects — in privileges of discount and 
exchange, &c, the institution proposed, was similar to the 
two former banks incorporated by congress. 

The plan of a national bank proposed by the secretary of 
the Treasury, received the approbation of every member of 
the cabinet as the only plan which would be likely to suc- 
9* 



210 political landmarks; 

. *' ^ 

ceed, considering the opinion of the acting President. Mr. 
Webster afterwards remarked that " it was the part of 
wisdom, not to see how much of a case they could make 
out against the president ; but how they could get on as 
well as they might with the president.'' Mr. Wise, a con- 
fidential friend of the president, in a letter written after the 
extra session, observed, that " the secretary of the treasury, 
Mr. Ewing himself, proposed a plan which he recommended 
to congress as one which would conduct our finances and 
commerce, equalize exchanges, regulate currency, and avoid 
all constitutional difficulties. This was the very deside- 
ratum, if it was what he desired it to be, and this was 
emphatically, by a whig administration, recommended from 
the proper department, said to be acquiesced in by the pre- 
sident, and it was called for by both houses of congress. It 
was justly regarded as the whig measure of the first moment, 
and would, as such, have been met and treated doubtless, 
by the opposition, or Van Buren party." 

Mr. Ewing's report and bill were referred in the senate, 
to the select committee on the currency, of which Mr. Clay 
was chairman. The committee reported on the 21st of 
June, a bill, in all essential features, the same as that pro- 
posed by the secretary of the treasury, and supposed to 
have been approved by the president, with one exception. 
That exception regarded the establishment of branches. 

The bank, on this plan, as well as in the other, was to be 
situated in the district of Columbia, (Washington city;) it 
was to have the same capital of thirty millions — with a pro- 
vision for future increase, if congress shall think advisable, 
to fifty millions. 

It provided for a government subscription of ten millions, 
instead of the secretary's six, and it dispensed with the 
fourth instalment of surplus revenue, amounting to over 
nine millions. It allowed dividends as high as seven per 
cent. It forbade the appointment of members of congress, 
as directors. It contained other provisions varying in many 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 211 

instances fro n the bill recommended by the secretary of 
state. The two propositions were hot very materially 
different. 

The president maintained in vindication of the principle 
inserted in his bill, that although he could find power in 
the constitution to establish a bank, he could find none to 
establish a branch without the consent of the different states. 

Mr. Clay, on the other hand, held that if the constitution 
did not give the power to establish a branch, no assent of a 
state could give it, and therefore that it was unconstitutional 
to attempt to derive power from the assent of a state. 

Upon this question much discussion was elicited, but 
most generally the whigs in congress sided with Mr. Clay, 
the democratic members all taking strong ground against 
such an institution in whatever shape or form it might be 
brought forward. 

The difficulty was at last thought to be settled by a com- 
promise, to which it was reported the president had assented. 
The compromise proposed to allow the directors to establish 
branches with the assent of the states. When agreed upon, 
the whigs hastened to pass the bill embracing this provision. 
The bill was finally passed on the 6th August. In the 
senate, the bill passed, 26 to 23. In the house, 128 to 97. 
When presented to the president, great excitement pre- 
vailed ; delegation after delegation waited upon him to 
express to him the disastrous effect it would have upon the 
whig party, and upon the finances of the country, if the bill 
should not become a law. 

President Tyler finally returned the bill to the senate, 
with a veto message. 

The veto message completely bewildered the whig mem- 
bers of congress, and was received with dismay and anxiety 
by the friends of the administration throughout the country. 

On the receipt of the veto message accompanying the 
bank bill, immediate efforts were made by the leading whigs 
in congress, and by the members of the cabinet, to repair, 



212 political landmarks; 

if possible, the evil effects which threatened the party with 
distraction and dissolution. 

The president had shadowed forth in his veto message 
that which the whigs construed into a plan for a fiscal agent. 
Upon this they dared to hope for something in the shape of 
a bank, and Senator Berrien and Mr. Sargeant of the house 
were deputed by the whigs to ascertain from the president 
what kind of a bill he would feel himself authorized to ap- 
approve. They had an interview and understood from the 
president that he was in favor of a fiscal agent, divested of 
discounting power, and limited to dealing in bills of ex- 
change, other than those drawn by a citizen of one state* 
upon another citizen of the same state. A bill was propos- 
ed in conformity with these suggestions. It was submitted to 
Mr. Webster, secretary of state, and by him to the president. 
It was understood that the president assented to their bill. It 
was submitted to the president on the 19th of August, and 
on the 20th it was introduced by Mr. Sargeant as an amend- 
ment to the bill then pending in committee of the whole. 

On the 23d of August it was taken "out of the committee 
of the whole, and passed without the alteration of a word 
from the original report, by a vote of 125 to 04. It was 
passed in the senate, 27 to 22, without amendment, on the 
3d of September. In the mean time, several important 
measures proposed by the whigs in congress, had been adopt- 
ed in both branches, and received the approbation of the 
president, among the rest, a bill to repeal the independent 
treasury, as also the bankrupt law. The votes of the dem- 
ocratic members in both branches of congress, with very 
few exceptions, were recorded against the former and in 
favor of the latter. 

While the bill to establish the "fiscal corporation" was 
pending, the Hon. John M. Botts committed a great mistake 
in the superscription of a letter, which found its way to a 
coffee house in Richmond, and from thence into the public 
papers, in which he said, under date of August 16 : 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 213 

" Dear Sir : — The president has finally resolved to veto 
the bank bill. He has turned, and twisted, and changed his 
ground so often in his conversations, that it is difficult to 
tell which of the absurdities he will rest his veto upon. 

# £ * # * * 

" Our Captain Tyler is making a desperate effort to set 
himself up with the locofocos, but he will be headed yet." 
* # * << The veto will be received without a word, laid on 
the table, and ordered printed? To-night we meet and will 
settle matters as quietly as possible, but they must be settled. 
Yours, &c, 

JOHN M. BOTTS." 

" You'll get a bank bill, but one that will serve only to 
fasten him, and to which no stock will be subscribed ; and 
when lie finds out that he is not wiser than all the rest of the 
world, in banking, we may get a better. The excitement 
here is tremendous, but it will be smothered for the present." 

On the 9th of September, the president returned the fis- 
cal corporation to the house of representatives, where it 
originated, with his objections. 

The secretary of the treasury, Mr. Ewing, in his letter 
• of resignation, says, he is satisfied that the ^president's veto 
of the last bill was brought about by the ufortunate mistake 
of Mr. Botts. Mr. Webster, the secretary of state, in let- 
ters to the two senators from Massachusetts, under date of 
the 16th August, intimated the same thing. 

Mr. Clay, in his speech in the senate on the first veto, 
said : " It is incontestible that it (the bank) was the great, 
absorbing, and controlling question, in all our recent divi- 
sions and exertions." 

Mr. Botts, in the house, in a speech upon the second veto, 
said : 

" It is certain that when we came here no doubt was en- 
tertained by. either party that he (the president) would sign 
a bank bill ; our friends thought so, or it would not have 
been discussed, as it was, for ten or twelve weeks ; the other 



214 political landmarks; 

party (democratic) thought so, or they would not have 
gotten up the cry of repeal ! repeal ! which resounded not 
only through the walls of this capitol, but became the watch- 
word of the party throughout the country." 

The last veto message was sent to the house on the 9th 
September, and on the 1 1 th all of the members of the cabi- 
net resigned with the exception of Mr. Webster. 

On the closing of the session, a manifesto was drawn np 
and signed by sixty or seventy whig members, declaring 
that " from that day forth all political connexion between 
them and John Tyler was at end ; that from that day, those 
who brought the president into power could no longer, in 
any manner or degree, be justly held responsible or blamed 
for the administration of the executive branch of the govern- 
ment." 

It was expected, by many, that the president would select 
the members of his new cabinet from the ranks of the 
democratic party, but he promptly made his appointments 
of the following distinguished whigs and conservatives, viz : 
Walter Forward, secretary of the navy ; John McLean, 
secretary of war; Abel P. Upshur, secretary of the navy; 
Charles A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general; and Hugh S. 
Legare, attorney-general. Subsequently, John C. Spencer 
was appointed secretary of war, in consequence of the non- 
acceptance of Judge McLean. 

Among the important acts passed at the session . .f 1^41- 
2, was an act for the apportionment of representatives, ac- 
cording to the census of 1840, by which the ratio was fixed 
at 70,680 for each representative, with one additional 
member for each state having a fraction greater than one 
moiety of said ratio. By the same act, representatives were 
directed to be chosen by single districts. 

In July,. 1843, president Tyler re-organized his cabinet 
as follows ; Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state ; John C. 
Spencer, secretary of the treasury ; James M. Porter, secre- 
tary of war ; David Henshaw, secretary of the nav^; Charles 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 215 

A. WicklifFe, postmaster-general ; and John Nelson, attor- 
ney-general. 

Messrs. . Porter and Henshaw were democrats, but the 
others had been known as whigs or conservatives. At the 
next session Porter and Henshaw were rejected in the 
senate. The president then nominated William Wilkins as 
secretary of war, and Thomas W. Gilman as secretary of 
the navy, which nominations were confirmed. 

By the bursting of a gun on board the steamship-of-war 
Princeton, on the Potomac, Messrs. Upshur and Gilman 
were killed. Subsequently the president nominated John 
C. Calhoun secretary of state, and John Y. Mason as secre- 
tary of the navy, which nominations were confirmed. Mr. 
Spencer resigned, and George M. Bibb was appointed sec- 
retary of the treasury, in May 1844. 

A treaty of annexation was concluded between the United 
States and the republic of Texas, at Washington, April 
12th, 1844, by Mr. Calhoun, secretary of state on the part of 
the United States, and Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson, 
on the part of Texas. On being submitted to the senate 
by the president it was rejected, on the 8th of June, by a 
vote of ayes 16, noes. 35. 0£ those who voted in the neg- 
ative, seven were democrats, viz : Messrs. Fairfield, of 
Maine, Atherton, of New-Hampshire, Niles, of Connecticut, 
Silas Wright, of New- York, Allen and Tappan, of Ohio, 
and Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri. Immediately after 
"the rejection of the treaty, Mr! Benton introduced a bill for 
the annexation of Texas, the consent of Mexico to be first 
obtained. 

The president sent a message to the house of represen- 
tatives, announcing the rejection of the treaty with Texas, 
with a view of inducing that body to originate some measure 
by which to accomplish the object which the treaty con- 
templated. The House referred the message to their com- 
mittee on foreign relations, but the subject was not definitely 
acted upon until the next session. In the senate on the 



216 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

10th of June, Mr. Benton, in a speech of two hours, 
characterized the Texas project as a fraud upon the people 
of the country — a base, wicked, presidential intrigue, 
originating in the most vicious purpose, and so far, pro- 
secuted for the most knavish conclusions, regardless alike 
of the character of the country, its treaty obligations, or 
its place. He moved to suspend all previous orders for the 
purpose of taking up the bill which he had submitted for 
the annexation of Texas, when Mexico should sanction the 
measure. The message of president Tyler, appealing from 
the decision of the senate, in a case in which the constitution 
makes that body expressly his advisers, and the controllers 
of his course, Mr. Benton, considered an insult to thai 
body, which merited impeachment. He alluded to his own 
far back prophecies and writings, concerning Texas, and 
made some allusion's to Messrs. Walker and Woodbury, 
" Texas Neophites," who had been so anxious to make 
great demonstrations of love for Texas. For himself he 
entertained no such anxiety, because his sentiments had 
always been known. It was not with him a question of 
"now or never," but Texas then, now and al\ 

An effort was made by the most zealous office-holders 
under the general government, and other persons interested 
in the success of Mr. Tyler, to create a popularity for the 
president out of the question of the annexation of Texas ; 
but the attempt to enlist the feelings of the advocates of that 
measure in favor of the re-election of Mr. Tyler to the pre- 
sidency, proved a total failure. 

It was evident, however, that the Texas question was 
becoming one of great importance, and that the annexation 
of that territory to the United States was daily growing in 
favor with the people of the southern and western sta 
The democratic party, therefore, in the southern sections 
of the union, resolved to present the Texas question to the 
people at the then approaching presidential^ election. As 
a large proportion of the party in the northern states were 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 217 

opposed to the annexation of Texas, there was a prospect 
of disunion in the democratic ranks. 

The national conventions of both whig and democratic 
parties were to be held in May, 1844, for the purpose of 
nominating candidates for president and * vice-president. 
Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, was the whig candidate named for 
the presidency, by a general consent of that party. Mr. 
Van Buren appeared to be preferred to any other candidate, 
by the largest proportion of the democratic party. 

In answer to letters and inquiries addressed to them on 
the Texas question, both Mr. Clay and Van Buren came 
out, in the month of April, J 844, with their views on the 
subject. They were both understood to be unfavorable to 
the immediate annexation of Texas, particularly without 
the consent of Mexico. Mr. Clay's letter was satisfactory 
to his political friends ; but the course of Mr. Van Buren 
determined the democrats of the south to prevent his nom- 
ination for the presidency, by the convention of that party, 
if possible, and to seek some other candidate who was 
favorable to southern views and feelings on the Texas 
question. 

The whig national convention, for the nomination of 
president and vice-president, met at Baltimore, on the 1st 
of May, 1844. Every state in the union was represented 
by delegates, and the Hon. Ambrose Spencer, of New-York, 
was chosen president of the convention, assisted by a num- 
ber of vice-presidents and secretaries. Henry Clay, of 
Kentucky, was nominated by acclamation, as the candidate 
to be supported by the whigs for president of the United 
States, at the ensuing election ; and on the third vote, 
Theodore Frelinghuysen, formerly of New-Jersey, but then 
a resident of New-York, was nominated as the candidate 
for vice-president. Great unanimity prevailed in the con- 
vention afte^the nominations were announced, and an en- 
thusiastic demonstration to support the candidates named. 

The democratic national convention of delegates for the 



218 political landmarks; 

nomination of candidates for president and vice-president, 
met at Baltimore, on the 27th of May, 1844. The states 
were all represented, except South-Carolina. The Hon. 
Hendrick B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, was chosen president 
of the convention, assisted by numerous vice-presidents 
and secretaries. Most of the delegations from the different 
states had been instructed to vote for Mr. Van Buren for . 
president, but the Texas question had been taken up by the 
party since those instructions were given, and Mr. Van 
Buren's letter on the subject had rendered the policy of his 
nomination doubtful with many who had been anxious for 
his re-election to the presidency. 

On the first ballot by the convention for a candidate for 
president, Mr. Van Buren received 146 votes, General Cass 
83, Colonel Johnson, of Kentucky, 24, Mr. Calhoun 6, and 
there were 7 for other persons ; thus showing a decided 
majority in favor of Mr. Van Buren.. But the convention 
having adopted the rule which had governed on former sim- 
ilar occasions, requiring two-thirds of the votes for a no- 
mination, no choice was made. Seven subsequent ballots 
took place, on the last of which Mr. Van Buren received 
104 votes, General Cass 114, and 44. for James K. Polk of 
Tennessee. The Virginia and New- York delegations then 
each separately retired for consultation, and on their return 
to the convention it was announced by Mr. Roane, of Vir- 
ginia, that the delegation from that state would give their 
vote for James K. Polk. Mr. Butler, of New- York, res-, 
ponded to Mr. Roane, and having the authority of Mr. Van 
Buren withdrew his name, and stated that the delegation 
from New-York would cast thirty-five votes in favor of Mr. 
Polk, the remaining member voting blank. The call of 
the states being made for a ninth ballot, a unanimous vote 
from all the delegation was given for James K. Polk, as the 
democratic candidate for president of the ^nited States. 
Silas Wright, of New-York, was nominated for vice-presi- 
dent, being then in the United States senate at Washing- 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 219 

ton. The nomination was declined by Mr. Wright, and 
on the following morning the convention nominated George 
M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, for that station. 

The candidates nominated, both for president and vice- 
president, were understood to be in favor of the annexation 
of Texas to the United States. Resolutions were adopted 
by the convention, one of which declared, " that our title 
to the whole of the territory in Oregon is clear and unques- 
tionable ; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to 
England or any other power ; and that the re-occupation of 
Oregon and the annexation of Texas, at the earliest prac- 
ticable period, are great American measures, which this 
convention recommends to the cordial support of the demo- 
cracy of the Union." Another resolution declared, " that 
the convention hold in the highest estimation and regard 
their illustrious fellow-citizen, Martin Van Buren, of New- 
York, &c," and that they " tender to him, in his honorable 
retirement, the assurance of the deeply-seated confidence, 
affection, and respect of the American democracy." 

The nomination of Messrs. Polk and Dallas had the effect 
of completely uniting the democratic party throughout the 
country, and the Texas and Oregon questions had a ten- 
dency to infuse renewed vigor among the masses attached 
to the party, enabling them to enter into the election with 
excited hopes and prospects of success. 

At the same time when the democratic convention met 
at Baltimore, a convention of the friends of president Tyler, 
composed of delegates from various parts of the Union, 
principally office-holders and political adventurers, assem- 
bled at that city, and placed the name of Mr. Tyler in no- 
mination as a candidate for election to the presidency. The 
president accepted the nomination, but his case as candi- 
date being hopeless, he yielded, in August, to the solici- 
tations of the friends of Polk and Dallas, who were desirous 
to have the aid and patronage of the general government 
in favor of the democratic candidates, and withdrew his 



220 political landmarks; 

name from the presidential canvass. On that occasion Mr. 
Tyler published an address in the Madisonian, the official 
paper at Washington, to his friends throughout the union, 
announcing his intention and desire to withdraw from the 
position in which his friends had placed him. He concluded 
his address by saying : " I appeal from the vituperation of . 
the present day to the pen of impartial history, in the full 
confidence that neither my motives nor my acts will bear 
the interpretation which has, 'for sinister purposes, been 
placed upon them." 

After a most animated and exciting canvass the presiden- 
tial election took place, in the fall of 1844, and resulted in 
the election of the democratic candidates, James K. Polk 
as president, and George M. Dallas as vice-president of the 
United States, over the whig candidates, Clay and Freling- 
huysen. The votes of the electoral colleges were, for Polk 
and Dallas 170; for Clay and Frelinghuysen 105. The 
popular vote was, for Polk 1 ,335,834 ; for Clay 1,297,033; 
for Birney, the abolition candidate, 64,653 ; exclusive of 
South-Carolina, which state gave its electoral vote through 
the legislature, that body choosing the presidential electors. 
In the states of New-York and Michigan, the democratic 
electoral ticket received a plurality over the whig voteless 
than the amount of abolition votes in those states. In ad- 
dition to the states which voted for Mr. Van Buren in 1840, 
giving 60 electoral votes, Mr. Polk received the votes of 
Maine 9, New-York 36, Pennsylvania 26, Georgia 10, Mis- 
sissippi 6, Louisiana 6, Indiana 12, and Michigan 5 ; which 
states gave their electoral votes to General Harrison in 1840. 
The second session of the twenty-eighth congress com- 
menced on the 2d of December, 1844, and closed on the 
expiration of their term, the third of March, 1845. The 
most important and exciting subject of the session was that 
of the annexation of Texas. Joint resolutions for annexing 
that republic to the United States, as one of the states of 
the Union, passed the house of representatives, on the 25th 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 221 

of January, 1845, by a vote of 120 to 98 ; and on the 1st 

of March the same passed the senate by a vote of 27 to 25 ; 
and the same day the resolutions were approved by the 
president. 

Among the public acts of interest passed at this session 
were the following : to establish a uniform time for holding 
elections for electors of president and vice-president, in all 
the states of the Union ; to provide for the establishment of 
the mail between the United States and foreign countries ; 
granting lands to the state of Indiana, to enable the state 
to extend'and complete the Wabash and Erie canal ; to re- 
duce the rates of postage, and to limit the use, and correct 
the abuse of the franking privilege ; alloAving drawback upon 
foreign merchandize exported by the interior to Mexico, 
and the British North American provinces ; for the con- 
struction and improvement of roads in Wisconsin ; making 
appropriations for fortifications ; and an act for the admis- 
sion of the states of Iowa and Florida into the Union. 
Florida complied with the terms of the last act, and was 
consequently admitted into the Union ; but the people of 
Iowa rejected the terms, principally on account of the boun- 
dary defined by congress, and therefore Iowa remained a 
territory. 

A bill forbidding the president to build revenue cutters at 
his own discretion, which had been vetoed by president 
Tyler, was again passed by the senate and house by more 
than a two-third . vote, (in the latter by 126 to 31,) and 
thus became a law nothvvithstanding the veto. A bill 
making appropriations for certain harbors and rivers, passed 
both houses, near the close of the session, but was retained 
by the president, and thus failed to become a law, in con- 
sequence of what was called a " pocket veto," which was 
the last act of Mr. Tyler's administration. 

Mr. Tyler retired without any particular regret on the 
part of either of the two political parties. He had lost the 
confidence of the party by which he was elected, and had 



222 political landmarks; 

gained but little confidence with those of the democratic 
party. 

There is no question but the democracy are indebted to 
John Tyler for thwarting the deep seated plan of Henry 
Clay and others to fasten upon us a National Bank ; but 
we have been always under the impression that the last bill, 
the " fiscal corporation," which was presented to Mr. Tyler 
for his signature would have been signed had it not been 
for the letter of John M. Botts, in which the president was 
threatened with being " headed." 

We deem it not inappropriate, in this connection, to al- 
lude to the early history of Mr. Polk, as when he was no- 
minated for the presidency he was comparatively a new 
man for such a position, or was so regarded to be by many 
of his own political party throughout the country. 

James Knox Polk was the eleventh president of the 
United States, and was the eldest of ten children, and was 
born on the second of November, 1795, in Mecklenburg 
Co., North-Carolina. His ancestors, whose original name, 
Pollock, has, by obvious transition, assumed its present 
form, emigrated in the early part of the eighteenth century 
from Ireland. The family trace their descent from Robert 
Polk, who was born and married in Ireland ; his wife, Mag- 
adalen Tusker, was the heiress of Mowning hill. They- 
had six sons and two daughters ; Robert Polk, the proge- 
nitor of James Knox Polk, was the fifth son ; he married a 
Miss Gallett and removed to America. Ezekiel Polk, the 
grandfather of James K. Polk, was one of his sons. 

In August, 1826, being then in his thirtieth year, Mr. 
Polk was elected to congress. From his early youth he 
was a democrat, and ever regarded the constitution of the 
United States as an instrument of specific and limited 
powers ; and he was found in opposition to every measure 
that aimed to consolidate federal power, or to detract from 
the dignity and legitimate functions of the state govern- 
ments. He signalized his hostility to the doctrines of those 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 223 

who held to a more liberal construction of the constitution, 
in all their modes. He always refused his assent to the 
appropriation of money by the federal government for what 
he deemed the unconstitutional purpose of constructing 
works of internal improvements within the states. He 
took ground early against the constitutionality as well as 
expediency of a national bank ; and, ' in August, 1820, 
consequently several months before the appearance of Gen. 
Jackson's first message, announced then his opinions in a 
published letter to his constituents. He has ever been op- 
posed to a tariff of protection, and was at all times the 
strenuous advocate of a reduction of the revenue to the 
economical wants of the government. Entertaining these 
opinions, and entering congress as he did, at the first ses- 
sion, after the election of John Quincy Adams to the presi- 
dency, he promptly took his station against the doctrines 
developed in the message of that chief magistrate, and was, 
during the continuance of his administration, resolutely op- 
posed to its leading measures. 

When Mr. Polk entered congress, he was, with one or 
two exceptions, the junior member of that body. His first 
speech was in favor of a proposition to amend the constitu- 
tion in such manner as to prevent the choice of president 
from devolving upon congress in any event. This speech 
at once attracted public attention by the force of its rea- 
soning, the copiousness of its research, and the spirit of in- 
dignation with reference to the then recent election by 
congress of John Quincy Adams, by which it was animated. 
From this time, Mr. Polk's history became inseparably in- 
terwoven with that of the house. He was prominently 
connected with every important question, and upon each 
took the boldest democratic ground. During General Jack- 
son's terms he was one of the leading supporters of the ad- 
ministration, and at times, and on certain questions of 
paramount importance, its chief reliance. In December, 
1827, Mr. Polk was placed on the committee of foreign 



224 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

affairs, and some time after, as chairman of a select com- 
mittee, he made a report on the surplus revenue, denying 
the constitutional power of congress to collect from the 
people, for distribution,, a surplus beyond the wants of the 
government, and maintaining that the revenue should be 
reduced to the exigencies of the public service. In 1830, 
he defended the act of General Jackson in placing his veto 
on the Maysville road bill, and thus checking the system of 
internal improvement by the general government, which 
had been entered upon by congress. 

In December, 1 832, Mr. Polk was transferred to the com- 
mittee of ways and means, and at that session presented 
the report of the minority of that committee with regard 
to certain charges against the United States Bank; this 
minority report presenting conclusions directly adverse to 
that institution, which had been the subject of inquiry. 

Mr. Polk's course arrayed against him the friends of the 
bank, but after a severe contest he was re-elected to con- 
gress by a majority of over three thousand. In 1833, Gen. 
Jackson determined upon the removal of the government 
deposites from the Bank of the United States. At the next 
session of congress this question elicited much discussion. 
Mr. Polk, in the house, vindicated the president's measure, 
and by his coolness, promptitude and skill carried through 
the resolutions of the committee relating to the bank and 
the deposites, and sustaining the administration, after which 
the cause of the bank was abandoned in congress. 

In December, 1835, Mr. Polk was elected speaker of the 
house of representatives, and was again chosen to that 
station in 1837, at the extra session held in the first year 
of Van Buren's administration. The duties of speaker, 
during five sessions, were discharged by him with ability, 
at a time when party feeling ran high in the house, and in 
the beginning, unusual difficulties were thrown in his way 
by the animosities of his political opponents ; yet such were 
his peculiarities in his associations with mankind, that, 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 225 

notwithstanding his firmness upon all questions which arose 
for decision, that in his actions he carried conviction to 
the heart of his most bitter political opponents, that if not 
right Mr. Polk believed he was right. He was highly .com- 
plimented by resolutions^vhich were unanimously passed 
in the closing of his labors, which resolutions were intro- 
duced by his political opponents. 

In 1839, Mr. Polk was elected governor of the state of 
Tennessee, being the candidate of the democratic party, 
by a majority of over 2,500. 

The state passed into the hands of his political opponents, 
and Mr. Polk complied with the requirements of the demo- 
crats of his own state to become their candidate for gover- 
nor twice afterwards, and canvassed the state each time, 
and of course was defeated, although the strongest man the 
democracy had in that state. 

From October, 1841, until his election to the highest 
office in the union, Mr. Polk remained in private life, not, 
however, an inert spectator of the wild and troubled drama 
of politics. He did not conceal his opinions on political 
subjects, when called upon by his fellow citizens to express 
• them. Those who differed from him had no difficulty in 
ascertaining the fact of the difference. A proof of this 
was found in the circumstance which developed his opinions 
on the subject of the annexation of Texas. The citizens 
of Cincinnati had, early in 1844, expressed their " settled 
opposition" to the annexation of that republic to the United 
States, and invited him to announce his concurrence in their 
judgment. In his reply, he said : 

"Let Texas be annexed, and the authority and laws of 
the United States be established and maintained' within her 
limits, as also in the Oregon territory, and let the fixed po- 
licy of our government be not to permit Great Britain to 
plant a colony, or hold dominion over any portion of the 
people or territory of either. These are my opinions : and 
without deeming it necessary to extend this letter, by as- 
signing the many reasons which influence me in the con- 



226 political landmarks; 

elusions to which I come, I regret to be compelled to differ 
so widely from the views expressed by yourselves, and the 
meeting of citizens of Cincinnati, whom you represent." 

On the 29th of May, 1844, Mr. Polk received the nomi- 
nation of the democratic National convention, for a can- 
didate for president of the llnited States. The contest was 
carried on with much spirit, between the democrats and 
those who supported Henry Clay, the candidate of the 
whigs ; but there was a marked difference between that 
contest and the one of 1840, when General Harrison was 
put in nomination, in opposition to Martin Van Buren. 

Polk. Clay. 

Maine, - - 9 

New-Hampshire, 6 

Vermont, - 6 

Massachusetts, - 12 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, - 6 

New-York, - - - - 36 

New-Jersey, - 7 

Pennsylvania, - - - 26 

Delaware, . _ _ _ 3 

Maryland, •- 8 

Virginia, - - - 17 

North-Carolina, ... H 

South-Carolina, 9 

Georgia, - - - - 10 

Alabama, 9 

Mississippi, - - - - 6 

Louisiana, 6 

Tennessee, - - - - 13 

Kentucky, - 12 

Ohio, .... 23 

Indiana, - - 12 

Illinois, - - - 9 

Missouri, 7 

Arkansas, - - 3 

Michigan, 5 

170 105 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 227 

Mr. Polk received 170 electoral votes, and Mr. Clay 105. 

On the 4th of March, 1845, we had the pleasure of listen- 
ing to president Polk's inaugural address delivered in per- 
son from the steps of the east front of the capitol of the 
union, to the largest assemblage of people we ever witnessed 
in one body. 

In person, Mr. Polk was of the middle stature, and a 
quick penetrating eye. The expression of his countenance 
was grave, but its serious cast was often relieved by a pe- 
culiarly pleasant smile, indicative of the amenity of his dis- 
position. 

Mr. Polk in his inaugural address, in referring to the 
Texas question, said that " the republic of Texas had made 
known her desire to come into our union, to form a part of 
our confederacy, and enjoy with us the blessings of liberty, 
secured and guaranteed by our constitution. Texas was 
once a part of our country — was unwisely ceded away to 
a foreign power — is now independent, and possesses an 
undoubted right to dispose of a part or the whole of her 
territory, and to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and 
independent state, in ours. I congratulate my country, 
that, by an act of the late congress of the United States, 
the assent of this government has been given to the re- 
union ; and it only remains for the two countries to agree 
upon the terms, to consumate an object so important to 
both." 

In continuing the subject, Mr. Polk says : " I regard the 
question of annexation as belonging exclusively to the 
United States and Texas. They are independent powers, 
competent to contract ; and foreign nations have no right 
to interfere with them, or to take exceptions to their re- 
union.. Foreign powers do not seem to appreciate the true 
character of our government. Our union is a confederation 
of independent states, whose policy is peace with each 
other and all the world. To enlarge its limits, is to extend 
the dominions of peace over additional territories and in- 
creasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from 



228 political landmarks; 

military ambition in our government. While the chief 
magistrate and the popular branch of congress are elected 
for short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must, 
in their own persons, bear all the burdens and miseries of 
war, our government can not be otherwise than pacific. 
Foreign powers should therefore look on the annexation of 
Texas to the United States, not as the conquest of a nation 
seeking to extend her dominions by arms and violence, but 
as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by 
adding another member to her confederation, with the con- 
sent of that member ; thereby diminishing the chances of 
war, and opening to them new and ever-increasing markets 
for their products. 

" To Texas the re-union is important, because the strong 
protecting arm of our government would be extended over 
her, and the vast resources of her fertile soil and genial 
climate would be speedily developed ; while the safety of 
New-Orleans and of our whole south-western frontier against 
hostile agression, as well as the interests of the whole union, 
would be promoted by it." 

" In the early stages of our national existence the opinion 
prevailed with some that our system of confederated States 
could not operate successfully over a^xtended territory ; 
and serious objections have, at different times, been made 
to the enlargement of our boundaries. These objections 
were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Expe- 
rience has shown that they were not well founded. The 
title of numerous Indian tribes to vast tracts of countries 
has been extinguished. New territories have been created, 
and our jurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our 
population has expanded, the Union has been cemented and 
strengthened. As our boundaries have been enlarged, and 
our agricultural population has been spread over a large 
surface, our federative system has acquired additional 
strength and security. It may well be doubted whether it 
would not be in greater danger of overthrow, if our present 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 229 

population were confined to the comparatively narrow limits 
of the original thirteen states, than it is now that they are 
sparsely settled oyer a more extended territory. It is con- 
fidently believed that our system may be safely extended to 
the utmost bounds of our territorial limits; and that as it shall 
be extended to the utmost bounds of our union, so far from 
being weakened, will become stronger." 

We have given these quotations in order to show the 
position of Mr. Polk upon the Texas question. He also 
took ground in his inaugural in favor of maintaining ;< by 
all constitutional means, the right of the United States to 
that portion of country lying beyond the Rocky Mountains." 
He said '• our title to the country of the Oregon is clear 
and indisputable, and already are our people preparing to 
perfect that title by occupying it with their wives and chil- 
dren. But eighty years ago, our population was confined 
on the west by the ridge of the Alleganies. Within that 
period, our people, increasing to many millions, have filled 
the eastern valley of the Mississippi ; adventurously ascend- 
ed the Missouri to its head springs ; and are already en- 
gaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in 
valleys, of Which the rivers flow- to the Pacific. The world 
beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emi- 
grants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them ade- 
quately whenever they may be upon our soil. The juris- 
diction of our laws, and the benefits of our republican in- 
stitutions, should be extended over them in the distant 
regions which they have selected for their homes." 

In his first annual message to congress, under date of 
the 2d December, 1845, Mr. Polk alluded again to the 
Texas question, and announced the fact that the terms of 
annexation which were offered by the United States had 
been accepted by Texas, and therefore the public faith of 
both parties was solemnly pledged to the compact of their 
union, 



230 political landmarks; • 

On the 6th of May, 1844, the Mexican envoy extraor- 
dinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States 
made a formal protest, in the name of his government, 
against the joint resolution passed by congress " for the 
annexation of Texas to the United States, which he chose 
to regard as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in con- 
sequence of it he demanded his passports. He was officially 
informed that the government of the United States did not 
consider the joint resolution referred to as a violation of 
any of the rights of Mexico, or that it afforded any just 
cause of offence to his government; that the republic of 
Texas was an independent power, owing no allegiance to 
Mexico, and constituting no part of her territory or right- 
ful sovereignty or jurisdiction. He was also assured that 
it was the sincere desire of this government to maintain 
with that of Mexico relations of peace and good under- 
standing. That functionary, however, notwithstanding 
these representations and assurances, abrubtly terminated 
his mission, and shortly afterward left the country. Our 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico 
was refused all official intercourse with that government, 
and after remaining several months, by the permission of 
his own government, he returned to the United States. Thus, 
by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between 
the two countries was suspended. 

Soon after this, Mexico occupied an attitude of hostility 
towards the United States ; commenced marshalling and 
organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and avowing the 
intention to make war on the United States, either by an 
open declaration, or by invading Texas. Both the congress 
and convention of the people of Texas earnestly invited this 
government to. send an army into that territory to protect 
and defend them against the menaced attack. When the 
" terms of annexation submitted by this government to Texas 
were accepted by the latter, we were bound to protect her 
territory and people from foreign invasion and agression. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 231 

The president, as a precautionary measure, ordered a strong 
squadron to the coasts of Mexico, and also ordered the con- 
centration of a sufficient military force upon the western 
frontier of Texas. This latter force was under the imme- 
diate command of General Zachary Taylor. 

Mr. Polk, in his special message of April 20, 1846, in 
referring to this force sent to the western frontier of Texas, 
says, it " was concentrated at Corpus Christi and remained 
there until I had received such information from Mexico as- 
' rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican gov- 
ernment would refuse to receive our envoy." 

"Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our congress,, 
had become an integral part of our union. The congress 
of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared 
the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its 
jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the 
Nueces.^ 

" The country between that river and the Del Norte had 
been represented in the congress and in the convention of 
Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself, 
and is now included within one of our congressional dis- 
tricts. Our own congress had, moreover, with great una- 
nimity, by the act of December 31, 1845, recognized the 
country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory by in- 
cluding it within our own revenue system ; and a revenue 
officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed by 
and with the advice and consent of the senate. 

" It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide 
for the defence of that portion of our country. Accord- 
ingly, on the thirteenth of January last, instructions were 
issued to the General in command of these troops to occu- 
py the left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is 
the south-western boundary of the state of Texas — is an 
exposed frontier. From this quarter invasion was threaten- 
ed ; upon it and its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of 



232 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

high military experience, are the proper stations for the 
protecting forces of the government. 

" In addition to this important consideration, several 
others occurred to induce this movement. Among these 
are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago 
and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception of sup- 
plies by sea, the stronger and more healthful military posi- 
tions, the convenience for obtaining a ready and more 
abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage, and 
the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in for- 
warding supplies to such posts as may be established in the 
interior and upon the Indian frontier. 

"The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was 
made by the commanding General, under positive instruc- 
tions to abstain from all aggressive acts toward Mexico, or 
Mexican citizens, and to regard the relation between that 
republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should 
declare war, or commit acts of hostility, indicative of a 
state of war. He was specially directed to protect private 
property and respect personal rights. 

"The army moved from Corpus Christi on the I lth of 
March, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left 
bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it 
encamped on a commanding position, which has since been 
strengthened by the erection of field-works. A depot has 
also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos San- 
tiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selec- 
tion of his position was necessarily confided to the judg- 
ment of the General in command." 

Mr. Polk, in continuing his war message, of May II, 
1846, said: 

" The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a bellige- 
rent attitude, and on the 12th of April, General Ampudia, 
then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his 
camp, within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the 
Nueces river, and in the event of hi? failures to com pi v 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 233 

with these demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, 
must decide the (question. But no open act of hostility was 
committed until the <Mth of April. On that day, General 
Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican 
forces, communicated to General Taylor that ' he consider- 
ed hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them." A 
party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers' were on 
the same day despatched from the American camp up the 
Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the 
Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the 
river, ' became engaged with a large body of these troops, 
and after a short affair, in^ which some sixteen were killed 
and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and com- 
pelled to surrender.' 

" The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our 
citizens throughout a long period of years, remain unre- 
dressed ; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for 
this redress, have been disregarded. A government either 
unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, 
fails to perform one of its plainest duties. 

" Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihila- 
ted. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations ; bu 
our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by 
the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican au- 
thorities have pursued against them, while their appeals 
through their own government for indemnity have been 
made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an ex- 
treme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted 
with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the inju- 
ries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should 
doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are 
now involved. 

" Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our 

best efforts to propitiate her good wili. Upon the pretext 

that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought 

proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected 

10* 



234 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, 
in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly 
threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of recon- 
quering Texas. In the meantime we have tried every effort 
at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been ex- 
hausted, even before the recent information from the fron- 
tier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, 
Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has 
invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the 
American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have 
commenced, and that the two nations are now at war. 

'* As war exists, and, notwithsanding all our efforts to 
avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called 
upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vin- 
dicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests 
of our country. 

" Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which 
has arrived, instructions were given in August last, ' as a 
precautionary measure,' against invasion, or threatened in- 
vasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency re- 
quired, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from 
the states of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, 
and Kentucky, and corresponding letters were addressed 
to the respective governors of those states. 

''These instructions were repeated ; and in January last, 
soon after the incorporation of ' Texas into our union of 
states/ General Taylor was further ' authorized by the pre- 
sident to make a requisition upon the executive of that state 
for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel in- 
vasion, or to secure the country against apprehended inva- 
sion.' On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded, 
1 in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican 
force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with 
which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as 
he might need.' 

" War actually existing, and our territory having been 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 235 

invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in 
him by my direction has called on the governor of Texas 
for four regiments of state troops, two to be mounted, and 
two to serve on foot, and on the governor of Louisiana for 
four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as prac- 
ticable. 

" In further vindication of our rights and defence of our 
territory, I invoke the prompt action of congress to recog- 
nize the existence of the war, and to place at the disposi- 
tion Of the executive the means of prosecuting the war with 
vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. To this 
end I recommend that authority should be given to call into 
the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for 
not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner dis- 
charged." 

The war was prosecuted with vigor, and the results are 
familiar to the American people; therefore it is deemed of 
little importance to treat upon the subject particularly in 
this connection. Suffice it to say, that the brilliancy of the 
military achievements acquired by the American army dur- 
ing the various struggles incident to the Mexican war, are 
not, as yet, duly appreciated. There has not, perhaps, pre- 
viously been an instance in the known world where an 
army has been so generally raised by volunteers. No draft- 
ing seemed to be necessary, but on the contrary, the greatest 
trouble on the part of the government seemed to be to keep 
our men back. They were ready at the call of the govern- 
ment to repair at once to the battle-field to defend their 
country and their country's honor. The fact that our con- 
test with Mexico was thus carried on by the people of the 
different states, who voluntarily rushed to the field of battle, 
has created more surprise and wonderment in foreign coun- 
tries, than all else which has transpired since the formation 
of our government. The people of other countries have 
learned the true cause of the existence of this extraordinary 
degree of patriotism which prevails in our own. They have 



236 political landmarks; 

learned to attribute it to the cause of education. It is doubt- 
less true that our struggles with Mexico, and tje results in- 
cident thereto, have had much to do with the struggles for 
liberty which have transpired in foreign countries within 
the past eighteen months. There is a spirit of republicanism 
abroad, which, sooner or later, will cause thrones to totter 
and empires to be crushed. 

In the contest with Mexico General Taylor signalized 
himself, and his noble and daring exploits will never be for- 
gotten by the American people. 

Whatever difference of opinion may have existed in the 
minds of men relative to the policy of the Mexican war, 
aside from the duty of protecting our national honor, all 
must agree that the position acquired by gaining California 
upon the great pacific ocean, in a commercial point of view, 
is second in importance to no other enterprise since the 
formation of our national government, Its importance 
cannot be known in a day or a year, but time will show that 
the current of the commerce of the Pacific will be turned, 
and made tributary to the United States. The minerals of 
this vast region are attracting the attention of the world, 
and from the best information we are enabled to gather, the 
most sanguine anticipations in this regard will be fully 
realized. Thousands upon thousands of our most enter- 
prising citizens are flocking to the shores of the Pacific — 
a class of men, or such as those who have heretofore re- 
paired to wilderness homes, and in pursuance of their in- 
domitable perseverance and industry, have caused forests 
to recede before the woodman's axe, and villages and cities 
to arise as if by magic. 

These are days of progression, and men of enlarged 
views must see that it is useless to contend against this 
current, however much they might feel disposed. It is a 
spirit which the enterprising of all classes, of whatever pro- 
fession, trade or occupation, are participating in. Old 
nations, like old garments, are cast off, to make room for 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 237 

the improvements of the age. Many of these improvements 
are of the most astonishing nature ; and not the least of 
which is the transmission of intelligence from point to point. 
In olden times, a man would occupy the space of three or 
four weeks in communicating with his fellow man, a dis- 
tance of a thousand miles, while at the present day he can 
converse with his fellow the same distance, as he would 
with his neighbor by the fire-side. But there are other and 
important improvements, a recital of which would occupy 
much space, all going to show the rapid strides of the spirit 
of progression of the present age. 

These remarks are made to show that the results of the 
Mexican war, the purchase of California particularly, will 
prove beneficial beyond a doubt to this country, as it will 
open the door to our men of enterprise to pursue their va- 
rious occupations, whereas their energies in this older por- 
tion of the union did not seem to meet with adequate reward 

The course pursued by Mr. Polk upon this whole ques- 
tion, the most important of his administration, all must 
acknowledge, was dictated by the purest motives. Even 
in his final negotiation for California, he treated it as im- 
portant only as a commercial position, but lived to learn 
that the minerals discovered have rendered it equally as 
important. When time shall have rolled on for a term of 
years, Mr. Polk's administration will be looked upon as 
one of unusual brillancy. 

Mr. Langdon, tfae Mayor of the city of Mobile, (Alaba- 
ma,) and editor of the leading whig paper of that state, in 
an address to Mr. Polk, on his homeward tour, after con- 
cluding his presidential labors at Washington, made these 
remarks : 

" Your acts are on the record. Time will test their 
wisdom, and the pen of the impartial historian will do you 
justice. That you have done your duty faithfully and con- 
scientiously with a view to the advancement of your coun- 
try's best interest, we are free to admit, and for this we honor 



238 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

you. That you have carried out with fidelity, the prin- 
ciples and adhered to the policy which you proposed 
previous to your election, and to the support of which your 
life has been devoted, none who know the history of your 
political life will pretend to deny. For this evidence of 
your honesty and independence, you have the respect and 
admiration of those who differ from you in opinion." 

During the two last sessions of Mr. Polk's administration, 
the excitement run high, at Washington and elsewhere, re- 
lative to the successor of Mr. Polk. It was thought by 
many that Mr. Clay would receive the nomination at the 
hands of the whigs, and that Gen. Cass would be nominated 
by the democrats. 

The Democratic National Convention was holden at 
Baltimore, on the 23d of May, 1848, and Gen. Cass was 
nominated. The last ballot, before he was declared unani- 
mously nominated stood as follows : Cass, 1 79 — Woodbury, 
38 — Buchanan, 33. New-York not voting. 

The Whig National Convention assembled at Philadel- 
phia, on the 7th June, 1848, and Gen. Taylor was nom- 
inated. The last ballot before he was declared unanimously 
nominated, stood, Gen. Taylor, 171 — Clay, 33 — Webster, 
14— Scott, 62. 

The campaign was conducted with much energy on 
both sides, but with less bitterness of feeling between the 
friends of the opposing candidates. 

A Convention was called at Buffalo* called a Free Soil 
Convention, at which Martin Van Buren was nominated for 
the presidency. This created much feeling in the regular 
■democratic ranks. They had ever looked upon him as the 
leader and head of their political organization, and who 
himself owed his political greatness and preferment to the 
caucus system. Mr. Van Buren having been a democrat, 
and claiming still, at the time, to belong to that party, and 
a nomination having been made, his lending himself«to de- 
feat that nomination gave rise to much acrimonious feeling. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 239 

The result of the vote in the electoral college was as 
follows : 

Cass. Taylor. 

Maine, - 9 

New-Hampshire, 6 

Vermont, - 6 

Massachusetts, - 12 

Rhode-Island, - 4 

Connecticut, - 6 

New-York, - 36 

New-Jersey, - .7 

Pennsylvania, - 26 

Delaware, - 3 

Maryland. - 8 

Virginia, 17 

North-Carolina, - 11 

South-Carolina, . 9 

Georgia, - 10 

Alabama, . - 9 

Mississippi, - - - 6 

Louuisiana, - 6 

Tennessee, - 13 

Kentucky, - 12 

Ohio, - - 23 

Indiana, - 12 

Illinois, - - - - 9 

Missouri, - 7 

Arkansas, 3 

Michigan, ... 5 

Florida, • - 3 

Texas, - - - - 4 

Wisconsin, 4 

Iowa, 4 

127 163 

General Zachary Taylor was inaugurated on the 5th day 
of March, 1849, at 12 o'clock M. 



240 political landmarks; 

Millard Fillmore, of New- York, was elected vice-presi- 
dent upon the whig ticket over Gen. William O. Butler, of 
Kentucky, who was supported by the democracy, by the 
same electoral vote. 

The city of Washington was crowded to overflowing, by 
our people from all quarters of the Union. The ceremony 
of inauguration was similar to those heretofore described. 
Gen. Taylor in the afternoon and evening received visitors 
at the presidential mansion. The house was thronged until 
a late hour, by people eager to see the hero of the Mexican 
War, and president of the United States. 

The ancestors of General Taylor emigrated from England 
nearly two centuries ago, and settled in the eastern part of 
Virginia. His father, Richard Taylor, was born in that 
state, where he resided until about 1790. Zachary was his 
second son, and was born in November, 1784, in Orange 
county, Virginia ; he is therefore a native of the same state 
which gave birth to Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
Harrison, and many other illustrious Americans. Besides 
Zachary, his father had four sons, Hancock, George, 
William, and Joseph, and three daughters, Elizabeth, Sarah, 
and Emily. 

Richard Taylor seems to have possessed a full share of 
the restless spirit of active adventure which distinguished 
the first settlers of America. Accordingly, in a little while 
after Boon had explored Kentucky, we find him journeying 
to that wilderness. Here he was not only unappalled by 
the horrors of a country called by the natives the dark and 
bloody ground, and by his hair-breadth escapes from the 
Indians, but he actually formed the design of penetrating 
to New-Orleans on foot. This he accomplished alone 
through the forests and wilderness stretching along the 
Mississippi, and returned by ship to Virginia. When the 
revolution broke out, the courage and zeal which he had 
manifested in resisting the encroachments of the mother 
country, caused him to receive an appointment as colonel 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, 241 

in the Continental army, the duties of which office he per- 
formed in a manner that fulfilled the high hopes which had 
been entertained of him. He fought in several of the most 
important battles of the north, and among others with 
Washington at Trenton. At the close of the war he re- 
tired to his farm in Virginia, where he remained until about 
the year 1790, when he emigrated with his family to Ken- 
tucky. In this journey he was accompanied by Colonels 
Croghan and Bullitt,both of which names became famous in 
the annals of their state. They settled upon a spot noted 
for the long and peculiarly bloody wars of the Indians, and 
these brave men soon found an ample field in which to dis- 
play their courage and hardihood. In the burnings and 
scalpings which happened almost weekly, ColoneLTaylor 
so distinguished himself, that he was soon looked upon as 
the champion of the white settlers, and the bulwark of their 
village. After a long time the attacks of the savages be- 
came less frequent, and the population had shaken off their 
fear of the Indian name, and began to assume the appear- 
ance of a regular community. Still the usefulness of CoL 
Taylor did not cease with the causes which had drawn it 
forth. He became as distinguished a citizen as he had for- 
merly been a soldier, and was entrusted with the duties of 
several important and responsible stations. He was one of 
the framers of the constitution of Kentucky ; represented 
Jefferson county and Louisville city for many years in both 
branches of the state Legislature, and was a member of the 
electoral colleges which voted for Jefferson, Madison, Mon- 
roe, and Clay. 

Such are a few points in the history of a man whose 
name will ever be dear to the American people, as 
the father of the conqueror of Mexico. All allow him to 
have been of unflinching perseverance, indomitable courage 
and zeal and ability to perform the duties of the various of? 
gees and stations which he was called to fill, 

Under the Damage of such a man 3 it k noiim-, 

n 



242 political landmarks; 

]ar that young Zachary should early have imbibed a taste 
for military life. We are told that such was the case ; and 
the common occurrences which daily surrounded him tend- 
ed to foster this feeling. His nursery tales were stories of 
Indian butchery which had but recently been perpetrated 
upon the neighbors of his parents ; and as 'he grew larger, 
he often heard the shriek of the maiden and innocent, the 
sharp crack of the rifle that announced their death, and 
then the fierce conflict between the father and his savage 
foe. He learned to barricade his own door, and spend the 
night in watchful intensity, while looking out upon nothing 
but gloomy forests, and some burning cottage far in the 
distance. 

At the age of six years Zachary was placed at school un- 
der theTlirection of a Mr. Ayers. Even here he was in con- 
tinual danger of the tomahawk, and many of the larger 
scholars were obliged to go armed. While here, young 
Zachary became distinguished among his companions for 
his activity, decision and bluntness of character, modesty 
of demeanor, and general intelligence. These are shining 
qualities in a school-boy, and he soon became the acknowl- 
edged and general favorite of a large portion of his comrades. 
From a child, his mind possessed a keen relish for military 
narratives, and in youth he began to long for an opportu- 
nity to display himself in the field. There still remain of 
him many anecdotes, all tending to illustrate his fondness 
for activity and adventure. 

The schoolmaster* of General Taylor is still living in the 
town of Preston, near Norwich, Connecticut, where he was 
born. Though more than seventy years of age, he takes 
great pleasure in listening to the achievements of his pupil, 
and in recounting anecdotes of him when a school-boy. He 
represents him to have been an excellent scholar, possessing 
an active and inquisitive mind, studious in his habits, though 
of sanguine temperament, quick of apprehension, and prom- 
ising fair for a career of usefulness in life, He had mental 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 243 

qualities of thoughtfulness, judgment, shrewdness, and sta- 
bility, not often found united in youth. But a peculiar trait 
of his character, and one not often connected with a san- 
guine temperament, was firmness. This, united with the 
above named qualities, is au important characteristic in a 
soldier. Upon many occasions, sudden and warm impulses, 
when properly directed by judgment and firmness, have pro- 
duced grand achievements ; and though a man may be 
brave to an eminent degree, yet a phlegmatic temperament 
is calculated to restrain the exercise of his bravery at a time 
when it might lead to glorious results. 

Upon leaving school, young Taylor continued the exer- 
cise of those sports and labors which suited the ardor of 
his temperament. He often performed feats of strength and 
difficulty which would excite the wonder and applause of 
friends, and rivalry of others. His fondness for military 
life has been mentioned, and it is related that even before 
he commenced a course of rigid tactical instruction, he 
might often be seen with his comrades practising the differ- 
ent evolutions of a company drill, with as much gravity and 
emulation as though under orders before an enemv. 

An opportunity was not long wanting for- the exercise of 
the talent thus gradually developing. The difficulties be- 
tweeu the United States and England, relative to interrup- 
tions of our commerce and the impressment of seamen, 
now presented so alarming an aspect, that an early rupture 
was confidently anticipated. This was an excellent oppor- 
tunity for many of the wild young spirits of the west to 
wreak, their vengeance against an enemy, who, though re- 
spected in time of peace, was the object of bitter animosity 
in war. Volunteer companies were organized *h every 
part of the union, and the " citizen soldiery" became an 
object of great national importance, 

While these events were in progress, the whole country 
was electrified by the intelligence that a British armed ves* 
ill? Ite Leopard, had : Am& 



244 POLITICAL landmarks; 

peake, killing three of her men, wounding eighteen, and 
subsequently carrying away four others of her crew. This 
increased the popular indignation against Great Britain/ as 
well as the spirit of determined resistance to her attacks. 

Upon the reception of the news of this affair, young Tay- 
lor applied for a commission in the army, and was appointed 
by President Jefferson a first lieutenant in the 7th regiment 
of infantry. This step was highly pleasing to his father, 
who had been instrumental in its accomplishment. 

General Taylor, on being sworn into office, as president 
of the United States, and after he had delivered his inaugu- 
ral address, appointed his Cabinet as follows : John M. Clay- 
ton, Secretary of state; William M. Meredith, of Pa., sec- 
retary of the navy; George W. Crawford of Georgia, sec- 
retary of war ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, secretary of the 
home department ; Jacob Collamer of Vermont, post-mas- 
ter-general ; and Reverdy Johnson of Maryland, attorney- 



The first session of the thirty-first congress, which com- 
menced Nov 3, 1849, and closed Sept. 30, 1850, was one 
of the longest and most exciting ever held. Its ten months' 
duration was in good part devoted to speech-making — near- 
ly the first month having been consumed by the house in in- 
effectual ballots for a speaker. The democrats had a small 
plurality in the house, with a decided majority in the senate ; 
but a number of "free-soil democrats," who could not vote for 
a speaker so thoroughly adverse as Mr. Cobb to their views 
of slavery extension, rendered the result doubtful, and would 
have secured the re-election of Mr. Winthrop, but for the 
objection of Messrs. A. H. Stephens, Toombs, and Owen, 
of Ga., Norton of Va., and Cabell of Fla., who refolded to 
vote with their party on speaker without a distinct commit- 
tal against the Wilmot proviso. This could not be conce- 
ded, so Mr. Winthrop was steadily voted against by several 
pro-slavery whigs, on one side, and anti-slavery men elect- 



dk HISTORY OF PARTIES. 245 

one side only. Several other candidates were tried on ei- 
ther side with like success, though one (Mr. W. J. Brown 
of la^) came very near an election, having succeeded in 
uniting both wings of the democracy upon himself, by satis- 
factory private assurances on the slavery question. Tfre fact 
that such cross-eyed assurances had been given became pub- 
ic barely in time to prevent his election. Finally, the 
house decided to try a plurality vote, agreeing that the 
highest candidate at the next ballot should be thereupon 
elected: and on this vote Howell Cobb of Georgia had 102 
votes, Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts 100, and there 
were some fifteen scattering. Howell Cobb was thereupon 
declared speaker by a resolution moved by Edward Stanley 
(whig) of North-Carolina. Thomas J. Campbell (whig) 
of Tennessee was, after a tedious struggle, re-elected clerk, 
but he soon died, and Richard M. Young of 111. (once U. S, 
senator) was chosen in his stead. 

Congress being fully organized, a protracted,- vehement 
struggle commenced with regard to the organization of 
new territories, admission of California, &,c. General Tay- 
lor at an early day transmitted a special message, recom- 
mending in substance that California' should be promptly 
admitted with the constitution her people had framed, 
and the boundaries they had designated, and that the terri- 
tories should be left under the military government which 
had been established upon their conquest, until such time 
as they should be entitled to and desirous of admission into 
the Union as states, when they should be received with 
whatever republican institutions they might present. This 
plan made no provision for the settlement of the boundary 
of Texas, which state claimed to include most of the peo- 
ple of New-Mexico and her entire territory east of the Rio 
Grande, within the former's limits and rightful jurisdiction. 
To this assumption the people of New-Mexico manifested 
the most determined and active hostility. Mr. Clay at an 
early day made a speech to the senate, concurring in Gen. 



246 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

eral Taylor's preference that each subject should be consid- 
ered and decided by itself, but insisting that the territories 
should be promptly organized under regular territorial gov- 
ernments, and the Texas boundary settled. In the progress 
of the discussion, Mr. Clay waived his own preference of 
separate action, and assented to the combination of the ad- 
mission of California, the organization of the territories, 
and the adjustment of the Texas boundary, all in one 
bill, which thence obtained the nickname of ' the Omni- 
bus.' A committee of thirteen was raised, with Mr. Clay 
at its head, from which committee the project known as 
the Omnibus,' was in due season reported, and thencefor- 
ward contested with desperate resolution by all the strength 
of the senate. When the struggle was the fiercest,. Gene- 
ral Taylor died, and it was supposed that his decease and 
the succession of Mr. Fillmore, who was esteemed mode- 
rately favorable to ' the omnibus,' would secure its passage, 
but that expectation was not realized. 

General Taylor died on the 9th day of July, 1850, at 10 
o'clock P. M. His last words were, — " I am prepared, — I 
have endeavored to do my duty." The members of the 
Cabinet and their families were all present at the death-bed 
and the executive departments were all closed. It has been 
described as one of the most solemn scenes on record. He 
was looked upon as a great man for the valiant deeds he 
had accomplished upon .the battle-field ; and was then the 
chosen of the people to administer the affairs of the govern- 
ment. Certain it is, that upon no occasion, within our re- 
collection, has there been regret manifested so generally by 
all of the people, as upon the death of General Taylor. 

Millard Fillmore, the vice-president, was sworn into of- 
fice as president of the United States, on the day fallowing 
the death of the president, in pursuance of a provision in 
the constitution. The cabinet officers appointed by Gene- 
ral Taylor, resigned, and after the lapse of a few days, pres- 
ident Fillmore appointed his cabinet, as follows : Daniel 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, *247 

Webster, of Massachusetts, secretary of state ; Thomas 
Corwin of Ohio, secretary of the treasury; Alexander H, 
H. Stuart of Virginia, secretary of the interior ; William 
A. Graham, of North-Carolina, secretary of war ; Charles 
M. Conrad, of Louisiana, secretary of the navy ; Nathan 
K. Hall, of New-York, post-master-general ; and John J, 
Crittenden of Kentucky, attorney-general. 

When business was resumed in congress, and the ' omni- 
bus* being under discussion, after various amendments had 
been proposed, and mainly rejected, though some of consid- 
erable importance were adopted, a motion to strike out all 
that part relating to the boundary of Texas was carried, 
and the bill thus crippled, was dismembered limb by limb, 
until nothing remained but the sections organizing Utah 
(the " Mormon Deseret") as a separate territory, which 
was passed and sent to the house. 

However, the California admission, the New-Mexico terr 
ritorial, and the Texas boundary bills, all subsequently pass- 
ed as independent propositions— the Texas boundary bill 
giving the same amount (810,000,000) to Texas for relin- 
quishing her claim to New-Mexico that "the Omnibus" did, . 
while it secured to Texas a larger and more desirable area 
than she would have had by that bill. The other bills were 
substantially the s.ame as when included in the omnibus. The 
Texas boundary bill encountered a formidable resistance in 
the house— the most determined opponents and the most 
zealous champions of slavery extension uniting in that resist- 
ance — but it was carried through by a small majority, after 
two failures, by uniting with it the bill to organize New-Mex- 
ico as a : territory. This union was concurred in by the sen- 
ate, and all the bills became laws. Two additional bills, re- 
ported separately from the senate's compromise committee 
were likewise passed. One of them abolishes the slave 
trade in the District of Columbia, while the other (known, 
as the fugitive slave bill) provides more summarily and rig- 
orously for the recapture and return to their masters of all 



248 POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 

runaways from slavery who shall have taken refuge in the 
free states. They are the principal results of the session 
of 1850, and will cause it long to be remembered. 

Toward the close of the session, a strenuous effort was 
made for a revision of the existing tariff, with a view to af- 
ford additional protection to the depressed branches of our 
National industry, especially the production of iron and of 
cotton and woolen fabrics. The revision was defeated in 
the house by very close votes. No attempt for it was made 
in the senate. Cheap postage, mileage reform, and several 
other desirable changes, were attempted, but failed for want 
of time and want of favor. But a strenuous attempt to 
break up the system of executing the printing of Congress 
by contract, was resisted and defeated in the house, much 
to the relief of the treasury ; and a proviso was fastened to 
the naval appropriation bill prescribing that .flogging in the 
navy should henceforth be abolished. This proviso is now 
the law of the land, and likely to remain so. Attempts to 
engraft the principle of free grants of public lands to actual 
settlers on our land system were made, but strongly voted 
down. The session, which had been unusually excited and 
stormy, closed calmly and quietly. 

Mr. Fillmore, the president, has taken a very strong stand 
as a national statesman. Thus far it seems that no faction 
can intimidate or influence him from a path he has marked 
out for his guidance as the chief executive. It is impos- 
sible to do justice, we are aware, to an administration in 
power, as no one, unless he be a member of congress, can 
possibly have an opportunity of knowing exactly its good or 
its evil workings. 

From Greely's annual almanac we learn that Mr. Fill- 
more was born *tt Summer Hill, Cayuga Co., N. Y., Janu 
ary 7th, 1800, and is accordingly now about 50 years old 
His father was a farmer in very limited circumstances. 
The family removed to Aurora, Erie county, in 1819, where 
the father still carries on a farm of moderate dimensions ; 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 249 

the writer hereof has often passed the modest house where 
reside the family of the President, in a style not more pre- 
tending than is common to thriving farmers of that prosper- 
ous district. The narrow means of the father did not per- 
mit the bestowal on the son of any other than a most limit- 
ed common-school education. When 15 years old, he was 
set to learn the trade of a clothier, at which he worked for 
four years, improving all his spare time in reading books 
from a little library in the village where he lived. At the 
age of 19 he made the acquaintance of Judge Wood of 
Cayuga county, who detected the latent talents of the young 
man, and induced him to study law, for which he generous- 
ly furnished the means. Mr. Fillmore remained in Judge 
Wood's office above two years, studying with that industry 
and perseverance which have distinguished him through 
life : during this lime he also taught school in the winter 
months in order himself to provide for his expenses as far 
as possible. In 1822 he entered a law office at Buffalo and 
passed a year studying and teaching, when he was admitted 
to the bar and removed to Aurora to commence the practice 
of his profession. In 1826 he married Abigail, the daugh- 
ter of Rev. Lemuel Powers : she now presides at the White 
House. Several years were now mainly employed by Mr. 
Fillmore in diligent judicial studies, and in the limited legal 
practice of a country town. In 1829 he was elected to the 
Assembly of New-York and for three years (during which 
time he removed his residence to Buffalo) held a seat in 
that body. Here he was remarkable for constant devotion 
to and unwearied industry in his duties. He took a prom- 
inent and influential part in the enactment of the law abol- 
ishing imprisonment for debt. In 1832 he was elected to 
the XXIIId Congress and served creditably. In the Fall of 
1836 he was again returned to the same office and acted as 
a member of the Committee of Elections in the famous New- 
Jersey " Broad Seal" case, and in that capacity established 
his reputation in the House, He was re-elected to the next 



250 political landmarks; 

Congress, and now assumed the responsible position of 
Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. In the 
duties of this post at a trying crisis, he manifested the in- 
dustry, dignity of bearing, efficient practical talent, and 
ability to secure the confidence of his colleagues, which had 
before distinguished him. His public reputation perhaps 
rests more upon the manner in which he filled this post in 
the XXVI fth Congress than on any other portion of his 
career. 

After this, resisting the importunities of his friends and 
the Whig Convention of his District, Mr. Fillmore returned 
at Buffalo, to the practice of his profession. In 1841 he 
was run by the Whigs of • New- York for Governor, and 
was beaten by Silas Wright. In 1847 he was elected 
Controller of the State, and removed to Albany to dis- 
charge the duties of that office, which he held till Feb- 
ruary, 1849, when he resigned it, prior to his induc- 
tion into the Vice-Presidency, to which post he had been 
elevated by the Presidential election of 1848. On the death 
of Gen: Taylor in July last, Mr. Fillmore became President. 
He appointed a new Cabinet with Daniel Webster at its 
head, and varied so far from the course pursued by Gen. 
Taylor as to throw the influence of the Administration in 
favor of the Compromise measures before Congress. At the 
same time he rebuked with firmness and decision the threats 
made by Texas against New-Mexico. His course has been 
governed by an earnest desire to conciliate the warring 
sectir ns and restore harmony to the Union. 

The second session of the 3lst Congress, commenced on 
the second day of December I»50. During this session 
we are unable to record any measure of particular inter- 
est, save the act to reduce and modify the rates of postage 
in the United States, which will be published in full, when 
the history of the administrations will be closed. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 251 

MODIFICATION OF POSTAGE. 

An Act to reduce and modify the rates of postage in the 
United States, and for other purposes. 

Be ii enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States of America in Congress assem- 
bled, That, from the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hun- 
dred and fifty-one, in lieu of the rates of postage now es- 
tablished by law, there shall be charged the following rates, 
to wit: For every single letter in manuscript, or paper of 
any kind upon which information shall be asked for, or 
communicated in writing, or by marks or signs, conveyed 
in the mail, for any distance betvyeen places within the Uni- 
ted States not exceeding three thousand miles, when the 
postage upon such letter "shall have been prepaid, three 
cents, and live cents when the postage thereon shall not have 
been prepaid, and for any distance exceeding three thou- 
sand a miles, double these rates; for every such single letter or 
paper, when conveyed wholly or in part by sea, and to or 
from a from a foreign country, for any distance over twen- 
ty-five hundred miles, twenty cents, and for any distance 
under twenty-five hundred miles, ten cents, (excepting, how- 
ever; all cases where such postage has been or shall be ad- 
justed at different rates by postal treaty or convention, al- 
ready concluded or hereafter to be made;) and for a double 
letter, there shall be charged double the rates above speci- 
fied ; and for a treble letter, treble those rates ; and for a 
quadruple letter, quadruple those rates ; and every letter or 
parcel not exceeding half an ounce in weight, shall be 
deemed a single letter ; and every additional weight of half 
an ounce, or additional weight of les& than half an ounce, 
shall be charged with an additional single postage. And 
all drop-letters, or letters placed in any post-office, not for 
transmission, but for delivery only, shall be charged with 
postage at the rate of one cent each ; and all letters shall 
hereafter be advertised as remaining over or uncalled for in 



252 political landmarks; 

any post office, shall be charged one cent in addition to the 
regular postage, both to be accounted for as other postages 
now are. 

S.ec. 2. And he it further enacted, That all newspapers 
not exceeding three ounces in weight, sent from the office 
of publication to actual and bona, fide subscribers, shall be 
be charged as follows, to wit : All newspapers published 
weekly only, shall circulate in the mail free of postage with- 
in the county where published, and that the postage on the 
regular number of a newspaper, published weekly, for any 
distance not exceeding fifty miles out of the county where 
published, shall be five cents per quarter ; for any distance 
exceeding fifty miles, and not exceeding three hundred miles, 
ten cents per quarter ; for any distance exceeding three 
hundred miles and not exceeding one thousand miles, fifteen 
cents per quarter ; for any distance exceeding one thousand 
miles and not exceeding two thousand miles, twenty cents 
per quarter ; and for any distance exceeding two thousand 
miles and not exceeding four thousand miles twenty-five 
cents per quarter ; and for any distance exceeding four 
thousand miles, thirty cents per quarter ; and all newspa- 
pers published monthly, and sent to actual and bona fide 
subcribers, shall be charged with one-fourth the foregoing 
rates ; and on all such newspapers published semi-monthly 
shall be charged with one-half the foregoing rates ; and pa- 
pers published semi-weekly shall be charged double those 
rates ; tri-weekly, treble those rates ; and oftener than tri- 
weekly, five times those rates. And there shall be charged 
upon every other newspaper, ancTeach circular not sealed, 
handbill, engraving, pamphlet, periodical, magazine, book, 
and every other description of printed matter which shall 
be unconnected with any manuscript or written matter, and 
which it may be lawful to transmit through the mail, of no 
greater weight than one ourrce, for any distance not exceed- 
ing five hundred miles, one cent ; and for each additional 
ounce, or fraction of an ounce, one cent ; for any distance 



^ OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 253 

exceeding five hundred miles and not exceeding one thou- 
sand five hundred miles, double those rates ; for any dis- 
tance exceeding one thousand five hundred miles and not 
exceeding two thousand five hundred miles, treble those 
rates; for any distance exceeding two thousand five hun- 
dred miles and not exceeding three thousand five hundred 
miles, four times those rates ; for any distance exceeding 
three thousand five hundred miles, five times those rates. 
Subscribers to all periodicals shall be required to pay one 
quarter's postage in advance ; in all such cases the postage 
shall be one-half the foregoing rates. Bound books, and 
parcels of printed matter not weighing over thirty-two oun- 
ces, shall be deemed mailable matter under the provisions 
of this section. And the postage on all printed matter other 
than newspapers and periodicals published at intervals not 
exceeding three months, and sent from the office of publi- 
cation to actual and bonajide subscribers, to be prepaid; 
and in ascertaining the weight of newspapers for the pur- 
pose of determining the amount of postage chargeable 
thereon, they shall be weighed when in a dry state. And 
whenever any printed matter on which the postage is requir- 
ed by this section to be, prepaid shall, through the inatten- 
tion of the postmasters,, or otherwise, be sent without pre- 
payment, the same shall be charged with double the amount 
of postage which would have been chargeable thereon if 
the postage had been prepaid : but nothing in this act con- 
tained shall subject to postage any matter which is exempt- 
ed from the payment of postage by any existing law.- And 
the Postmaster General, by and with the advice and consent 
of the President of the United States, shall be and he is 
hereby authorized to reduce or enlarge, from time to time, 
the rates of postage upon all letters and other mail able*, mat- 
ter conveyed beiween the United States and any foreign 
country, for the purpose of making better postal arrange- 
ments with other governments^ or counteracting any adverse 

j$£g$£?fg affecimg our posui mirror: . wm* 



254 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J ^ 

tries ; and postmasters at the office of delivery are hereby 
authorised, and it shall be their duty, "to remove wrappers 
and envelopes from all printed matter and pamphlets not 
charged with letter postage, for the purpose o( ascertaining 
whether there is upon or connected with any such printed 
matter or in such package any matter or thing which would 
authorize or require the charge of a higher rate of postage 
thereon. And all publishers of pamphlets, periodicals, 
magazines, and newspapers which shall not exceed sixteen 
ounces in weight shall be allowed to interchange their pub- 
lications reciprocally free of postage : Provided, That such 
interchange shall be confined to .a single copy of each pub- 
lication : And provided, also, That said publishers may 
enclose in their publications the bills for subscriptions 
thereto without any additional charge for postage : And 
provided, further, That in all cases where newspapers shall 
not contain over three hundred square inches they may be 
transmitted through the mails by the publishers to bonajidc 
subscribers at one-fourth the rates fixed by this act. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the 
duty of the Postmaster General to provide and furnish to all 
deputy postmasters, and to all other persons applying and 
paying therefor, suitable postage stamps of the denomina- 
tion of three cents, and of such other denominations as he 
may think expedient to facilitate the prepayment of the 
postages provided for in this act ; and any person who shall 
forge or counterfeit any postage stamp provided or furnish- 
ed under the provisions of this or any former act, whether 
the same are impressed or printed on or attached to envel- 
opes or not, or any die, plate or engraving therefor, or shall 
make or print, or knowingly use or sell, or have in his pos- 
session with intent to use or sell, any such false, forged, or 
counterfeited die, plate, engraving, or postage stamp, or who 
shall make or print, or authorize or procure to be made or 
printed, any postage stamps of ihe kind provided and fur* 
njshed by the Postmaster General as al 



, OB HISTORY OF PARTIES. 255 

especial authority and direction of the Post Office Depart- 
ment, or who, after such postage stamps have been printed, 
shall, with the intent to defraud the revenues of the Post 
Office Department, deliver any postage stamps to any per- 
son or persons other than such as shall be authorized to .re- 
ceive the same by an instrument of writing duly executed 
under the hand of the Postmaster General, and the seal of 
the Post Office Department, shall, on conviction thereof, be 
deemed guilty of felony, and be punished by a hue not ex- 
ceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment not ex- 
ceeding five years, or by both such fine and imprisonment ; 
and the expenses of procuring and providing all such post- 
age stamps and letter envelopes, as are provided for or au- 
thorized by this act, shall be paid, after being adjusted by 
the auditor of the Post Office Department, or the certificate 
of the Postmaster General, out of any money in the Treas- 
ury arising from the Post Office Department. 

Sec. 4. And le it further enacted, That it shall be the 
duty of every postmaster to cause to be defaced, in such 
manner as the Postmaster General shall direct, all postage 
stamps attached to letters deposited in his office for delivery, 
or to be sent by mail ; and if any postmaster, sending let- 
ters in the mail with postage stamps attached, shall omit to 
deface the same, it shall be the duty of the" postmaster to 
whose office such letters shall be sent for delivery to deface 
the stamps and report the delinquent postmaster to the Post- 
master General. And if any person shall use, or attempt 
to use, in prepayment of postage, any postage stamp which 
shall have been before used for like purposes, such persons 
shall be subject to a penalty ©f fifty dollars for every such 
offence, to be recovered in the name of the United States, 
in any court of competent jurisdiction. 

Sec. 5, And be it further enacted, That lists of letters 
ters remaining uncalled for in any post office in any city, 
town, or village, where a newspaper shall be printed, shall 
hereafter be published once only in the newspaper which, 



256 POLITICAL landmarks; 

being issued weekly or oftener, shall have the largest cir- 
culation within the range of delivery of said office, to be 
decided by the Postmaster General, under such regulations 
as shall be prescribed by him, at a charge not exceeding 
one [three] at such office, at such time, and undej* such reg- 
ulations as the Postmaster General shall prescribe ; and at 
a charge of one cent for each letter advertised. And the 
postmaster at such office is hereby directed to post in a con- 
spicuous place in his office a copy of such list, on the day 
or day after the publication thereof; and if the publisher of 
any such paper shall refuse to publish the list of letters as 
provided in this section, the postmaster may designate some 
other paper for such purpose. Such lists of letters shall 
be published once in six weeks, and as much oftener, not 
exceeding once a week, as the Postmaster General may 
specially direct : Provided, That the Postmaster General 
may, in his discretion, direct the publication of German and 
other foreign letters in any newspaper printed in the German 
or any other foreign language, which publication shall be in 
liue of or in addition to the publication of the list of such let- 
ters in the manner first in this section provided, as the Post- 
master General shall direct. 

Sec 6. And be it further enacted, That to any postmast- 
er whose commissions may be reduced before the amount 
allowed at his office for the year ending the thirtieth day of 
June, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, and whose labors 
may be increased, the Postmaster General shall be author- 
ized, in his discretion, to allow such additional commissions 
as he may deem just and proper: Provided, That the 
whole amount of commissions allowed such postmaster du- 
ring the fiscal year shall not exceed by more than twenty 
per cent, the amount of commissions at such office for the 
year ending the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and 
fifty-one. 

Sec. 7. That no post office 

now m existence shall be discontinued, **P1 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 257 

service on any mail route in any of the states or territories 
be discontinued or diminished, in consequence of any dim- 
inution of the revenues that may result from this act; and 
it shall be the duty of the Postmaster General to establish 
new post offices, and place the mail service on any new 
mail routes established, or that may hereafter be establish- 
ed, in the same manner as though this act had not passed : 
Arid provided further, [That the compensation of no 
postmaster shall be diminished in consequence of the pas- 
sage of this act.] 

Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That there shall be 
paid to the post office department, in further payment and 
compensation for the mail service performed for the two 
houses of Congress and the departments and offices of the 
government in the transportation of free matter, the sum of 
five hundred thousand dollars per year, which shall be paid 
quarterly, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise 
appropriated ; and the moneys appropriated to the post 
office department by the twelfth section of the act " to es- 
tablish certain post routes and for other purposes," approved 
March third, eighteen hundred and forty-seven, and re- 
maining undrawn in the treasury, shall continue subject to 
the requisition of the Postmaster General, for the service of 
the post office department, notwithstanding the same may 
have so remained so undrawn for more than two years after 
it became subject to such requisition. 

Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That there is hereby 
appropriated, out of any moneys in the treasury not other- 
wise appropriated, the sum of five hundred thousand dollars 
to supply any deficiency that may arise in the post office 
department 

Sec 10. And be it further enacted, That it shall be in 
the power of the Postmaster General at all post offices 
where the postmasters are appointed by the President of 
the United States, to establish post routes within the cities 
or towns, to provide for conveying letters to the post office^ 
11* 



258 political landmarks; 

by establishing suitable and convenient places of deposit, 
and by employing carriers to receive and deposit them in 
the post office ; and at all such offices it shall be in his 
power to cause letters to be delivered by suitable carriers, 
to be appointed by him for that purpose, for which not ex- 
ceeding one or two cents shall be charged, to be paid by 
the person receiving or sending the same ; and all sums so 
received shall be paid into the post office department : Pro- 
vided, The amouut of compensation allowed by the Post- 
master General to carriers shall in no case exceed the 
amount paid into the treasury, by each town or city, under 
the provisions of this section. 

Sec 11. And be it further enacted, That from and after 
the passage of this act it shall be lawful to coin, at the mint -. 
of the United States and its branches, a piece of the de- 
nomination and legal value of three cents, or three hun- 
dredths of a dollar, to be composed of three-fourths silver 
and one-fourth copper, and to weigh twelve grains and 
three-eighths of a grain, that the said coin shall bear such 
devices as shall be conspicuously different from those of the 
other silver coins and of the gold dollar, but having the in- 
scription United States of America, and its denomination 
and date ; and that it shall be a legal tender in payment of 
debts for all sums of thirty cents and under ; and that no 
ingot shall be used for the coinage of the three cent pieces 
herein authorized, of which the quality differs more than 
five thousandths from the legal standard, and that, in ad- 
justing the weight of the said coin, the following deviations 
from the standard weight shall not be exceeded, namely — 
one-half of a grain in the single piece, and one pennyweight 
in a thousand pieces. 

Adproved March 3, 1851. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 259 

ABSTRACT, 

Of the Laws of the United States in relation to the Nat- 
uralization of Aliens. 

Section 1. Any alten, being a free white person, may be 
admitted to become a citizen of the United States, or any 
of them, on the following conditions, and not otherwise : 

Sec. 2. First: That he shall 'have declared, on oath or 
affirmation.before the supreme, superior, district or circuit 
court of some one of the states, or of the territorial districts 
of the United States, or a circuit or district court of the 
United States, or before the clerk of either of such courts, 
two years at least before his admission, that it was, bona 
jfide, his intention to become a citizen of the United States, 
and to renounce forever, all allegiance and fidelity to any 
foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty, whereof such 
alien may, at the time, be a or citizen subject. 

Sec 3. From this condition are exempted, any alien, 
being a free white person, who was residing within the lim- 
its and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any 
time between the eighteenth day of June, 1798, and the 
fourteenth day of April, 1802, and who has continued to 
reside within the same. 

Sec. 4. An alien, being a free white person and a minor, 
under the age of twenty-one years, who shall have resided 
in the United States three years next proceeding his arrival 
at the age of twenty =one years, and who shall have continu- 
ed to reside therein to the time he may make application to 
be admitted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the 
age of twenty-one years, and after he shall have resided five 
years within the United -States, without having made the 
declaration, required in the second section, three years pre- 
vious to his admission : but, such alien shall make the dec- 
laration required therin, at the time of his or her admission,- 
and shall further declare, on oath, and prove to the satisfac- 
tion of the court, that for three years next proceeding, it 



200 POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 

has been the bona fide intention of such alien to become a 
citizen of the United States; and shall, in all other respects, 
comply with the laws in regard to naturalization. 

Sec. 5. When any alien, who shall have complied with 
the condition specified in section second and who shall 
have pursued the directions prescribed in the second sec- 
tion of the act of April, 14, 1802, may die, before he is 
actually naturalized, the widow and the children of such 
alien shall be considered as citizens of the United States, 
and shall be entitled to all rights and privileges as such, 
upon taking the oaths prescribed by law. 

Sec. 6. An alien shall at the time of his applications to 
be admitted, declare, on oath or affirmation, before some 
one of the courts aforesaid, that he will support the constitu* 
tion of the United States, and that he doth absolutely and 
entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to 
every foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty whatever, 
and particularly, by name, the prince, potentate, state or 
sovereignty, whereof he was^before a citizen or subject ; 
which proceedings shall be recorded by I lie clerk of the 
court. 

Sec 7. The court admitting such alien shall be satisfied 
that he has resided within the United States five years, 
at least, and within the stale or territory where such court 
is at the time held, one year at least; and it shall further 
appear to their satisfaction that, during that time, he has 
behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the 
principles of the constitution of the United States, and well 
disposed to the ^ood order and happiness of the same. The 
oath of the applicant shall, in no case, be allowed to prove 
his residence. 

Sec. 8. In case the alien applying to be admitted to citi- 
zenship, shall have borne any hereditary title, or been of 
any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from 
which he came, he shall, in addition to the above requi- 
sites, make an express renunciation of his title or nobility, 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 261 

in the court to which his application shall be made, which 
renunciation shall be recorded in the said court ; provided, 
that no alien, who shall be a native citizen, denizen or sub- 
ject of any country, state or sovereign with whom the Uni- 
ted States shall be at war, at the time of his application, 
shall be then admitted to be a citizen of the United States. 

Sec. 9, But persons resident within the United States or 
the territories thereof, on the eighteenth day of June, in 
the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve, who had 
before that day, made a declaration according to law, of 
their intention to become citizens of the United States ; or 
who, by the existing laws of the United States, were, on that 
day, entitled to become citizens, without making such dec- 
laration, may be admitted to become citizens thereof, not- 
withstanding they shall be alien enemies, at the times, and 
in the manner prescribed by the laws heretofore passed on 
that subject; provided, that herein nothing contained, shall 
be taken or construed to interfere with, or prevent the ap- 
prehension and removal, agreeably to law, of. aiy alien ene- 
my, at any time previous to the actual naturalization of such 
alien. 

Sec. 10. Any alien, being a free white person, who was 
residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of the 
United States between the fourteenth day of April, one 
thousand eight hundred and twelve., and the eighteenth day 
of June, one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and who 
has continued to reside within the same, may be admitted 
to become a citizen of the United States, without having 
made any previous declaration of his intention to become a 
citizen ; provided, that whenever any person, without a cer- 
tificate of such declaration of intention, shall make applica- 
tion to be admitted a citizen of the United States, it shall be 
proved to the satisfaction of the court, that the applicant 
was residing within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of 
the United States, before the eighteenth day of June, one 
thousand eight hundred and fcvelve, and has continued to 



262 POLITICAL landmarks; 

reside within the same or he shall not be so admitted ; and 
the residence of the applicant within the limits, and under 
the jurisdiction of the United States, for at least five years 
immediately preceding the time of such application, shall be 
proved by the oath or affirmation of citizens of the United 
States which citizens shall be named in the record as wit- 
nesses ; and such continued residence within the limits, 
and under the jurisdiction of the United States, when satis- 
factorialy proved, and the place or places where the appli- 
cant has resided, for at least five years, as aforesaid, shall 
be stated and set forth, together with the names of such 
citizens, in the record of the court admitting the applicant ; 
otherwise the same shall not entitle him to be considered 
and deemed a citizen of the United States. 

Sec. 11. Nothing in the foregoing section ten contained 
shall be cojistrued to exclude from admission to citizenship, 
any free white person who was residing within the limits 
and under the jurisdiction of the United States at any time 
between the eighteenth day of June, one thousand seven 
hundred arM ninety-eight, and the fourteenth day of April, 
one thousand eight hundred and two, and who, having con- 
tinued to reside therein without having made any declaration 
of intention before a court of record as aforesaid, may be 
entitled to become a citizen of the United States, according 
to section three. Whenever any person, without a certifi- 
cate of such declaration of intention, as aforesaid, shall make 
application to be admitted a citizen of the United States, it 
shall be proved to the satisfaction of the court, that the ap- 
plicant was residing within the limits and under the juris- 
diction of the United States, before the fourteenth day of 
April, one thousand eight hundred ana* two, and has contin- 
ued to reside within the same, or he shall not be so admit- 
ted. And the residence of the applicant within the limits 
and under the jurisdiction of the United States for at least 
five years immediately preceding the time of such applica- 
tion, shall be proved by the oath or affirmation of citizens 
pf the United States 5 which* citizens shall be named in the 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 203 

record as witnesses. And such continued residence within 
the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States, 
when satisfactorily proved, and the place or places where 
the applicant has resided for at least five years as aforesaid, 
shall be stated and set forth, together with the names of 
such citizens, in the record of the court admitting the ap- 
plicant : otherwise the same shall not entitle him to be con- 
sidered and deemed a citizen of United States. 

Sec. 12. The children of persons duly naturalized under 
any of the laws of the United States, or who. previous to 
the passing of any law on that subject, by the government 
of the United States, may have become citizens of any one 
of the states, under the laws thereof, being under the age 
of twenty-one years, at the time of their parents' being so 
naturalized or admitted to the rights of citizenship, shall if 
dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens of 
the United States ; and the children of persons who now 
are, or have been citizens of the United States, sha',1, though 
born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States; 
be considered as citizens of the United States. The right 
of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers 
have never resided within the United States. And no per- 
son hertofore proscribed by any state, or who has been le- 
gally convicted of having joined the army of Great Britian 
during the war of the revolution, shall be admitted a citi- 
zen without the consent of the legislature of the state in 
which such person was proscribed. Children of persons 
naturalized before the fourteenth of April, 1602, under age 
at the time of their parents' naturalization, were, if dwell- 
ing in the g United States on the fourteenth day of April, 
1802, to be considered as citizens of the United States. 

Sec. 13. Any alien who was residing within the limits, 
and under the jurisdiction of the United States before the 
twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand seven hundred 
and ninety-five may be admitted to become a citizen, on 
due proof made to some one of the courts aforesaid, that 



264 POLITICAL LANDMARKS j 

he has resided two years at least, within and under the 
jurisdiction of the United States, and one year at least im- 
mediately preceding his application, within the state or ter- 
ritory where such court is at the time held ; and on his 
declaring on oath or affirmation, that he will support the 
constitution of the United States, and that he doth absolute- 
ly and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidel- 
ity to any foreign prince, potentate, state or soverignty 
whatever, and particularly, by name, the prince, potentate, 
state or sovgrignty whereof he was before a citizen or sub- 
ject; and moreover, on its appearing to the satisfaction of 
the court that, during the said term of two years, he has 
behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the 
constitution of the United Slates, and well disposed to the 
good order and happiness of the same; and where the alien 
applying for admission to citizenship, shall have borne ;m\ 
hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in 
the kingdom or state from which he came, on his moreover 
making, in the court, an express renunciation of his title 
or order of nobility,' before he shall be entitled to such ad- 
mission ; all of which proceedings, required in this proviso 
to be performed in the court, shall be recorded by the clerk 
thereof. 

Sec. 14. Every court of record, injany individual state, 
having common law jurisdiction, and a seal or clerk or pro- 
thonotary, shall be considered as a district court, within the 
meaning of the naturalization act; and every alien, urbo 
may have been naturalized in any such court, shall enjo) 
the same rights and privileges, as if he had been naturalized 
in a district or circuit court of the United States. 

Sec. 15, No person who shall arrive in the United States, 
after February the seventeenth, 1*15, shall be admitted to 
become a citizen of the United Slates, who shall not. for 
the continued term of five next preceding his ad mi- 
have resided within the United States, without being at any 
time during the said five years, out of the territory of the 
United States. 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, %$ 

ELECTION LAW OF MICHIGAN, 

Section 1. In all elections, every white male citizen, 
every white male inhabitant residing in the State on the 
twenty-fourth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and 
thirty-live; every white male inhabitant residing in this 
state on the first day of January, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and fifty, who has declared his intention to become a 
citizen of the United States, pursuant to the laws thereof, 
six month3 preceding an election, or who has resided in 
this state two years and six months, and declared his inten- 
tion as aforesaid, and every civilized male inhabitant of 
Indian descent, a native of the United States, and not a 
member of any tribe, shall be an elector and entitled to 
vote ; but no citizen or inhabitant shall be an elector or 
entitled to vote, unless he shall be above the age of twenty- 
one years, and has resided in this state three months, and 
in the township or ward in which he offers to vote, ten 
days next preceding such election. 

Sec, 2, All votes shall be given by ballot, except for 
such township officers as may be authorized by law to be 
Otherwise chosen. 

Sec, 3. Every elector, in all cases except treason, felony 
or breach of the peace, shall be privileged from arrest du- 
ring his attendance at election, and in going to and return- 
ing from the same. 

Sec, 4. No elector shall be obliged to do militia duty on 
the day of election, except in time of war or public danger, 
or attend court as a suitor or witness, 

Sec 5. No elector shall be deemed to have gained or 
lost a residence by reason of his being employed in the 
service of the United States or of this state ; nor while en- 
gaged in the navigation of the waters of this state or of the 
United States, or of the high seas : nor while a stduent of 
any seminary of learning; nor while kept at any almshouse 
or other asylum, at public expense; nor while confbisd in 

1 

- - 



20)6 political landmarks; 

Sec. 6. Laws may be passed to preserve the purity of 
elections, and guard against abuses of the elective fran- 
chise. 

Sec. 7. No soldier, seaman, nor marine in the army or 
navy of the United States, shall be deemed a resident of 
this state in consequence of being stationed in any military 
or naval place within the same. 

Sec. 8. Any inhabitant who may hereafter be engaged 
in a duel, either as principal or accessory before the fact, 
shall be disqualified from holding any office under the con- 
stitution and laws of this state, and shall not be permitted 
to vote at any election. 



UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT. 



President of the United States, - - - *25,000 

Secretary of State, 6,000 

" of the Treasury, - 6,000 

" " " Interior, - - - % 6,000 

" *' War, - (3,000 

" of the Navy, - - - . 6,000 

Postmaster-General, 6,000 

Attorney-general, 4,000 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES, 



2(57 



STATE GOVERNMENTS.— 1851. 

States. Governor. Term expires. 

Maine, - - John Hubbard, - Jan. 1S52 
N. Hampshire, Samuel Dinsmoor, June, '51 
Vermont, - Chas K. Williams, Oct. 
Massachusetts, George S. Boutwell, Jan. 
Rhode-Island, Phillip Allen, - May 
• Connecticut, - Thos. H. Seymour, May 
New-York, - - Washington Hunt, Jan. 
New-Jersey, - George F. Fort, Jan. 
Pennsylvania, ■ Wm. F. Johnston, Jan. 
Delaware, - - William H. Ross, Jan. 
Maryland, - - Enoch L. Lowe, Jan. 
Virginia, - - John B. Floyd, - Jan. 
North-Carolina, David S. Reid, Jan. 

South-Carolina, John H. Means, - Jan. 
Georgia, - - - Geo, W. Towns, Nov. 
Florida, - - - Thomas S. Brown, Oct. 
Alabama, - - - Henry W. Collier, Dec. 
Mississippi, - - John A. Quitman, Jan. 
Louisiana, - - - Joseph Walker, Jan. 
Ohio, - - - - Reuben Wood, Dec. 

Indiana, - - - Joseph A. Wright, Dec. 
Illinois, - - - Augustus C French Jan. 
Michigan, - - - John S. Barry, - Jan. 
Wisconsin, - - Nelson Dewey, - Dec. 
Iowa, - - - - Stepn.. Hempstead, Dec. 
Kentucky, - - •/. L.HeJm, (acti'g) Aug. 
Tennessee, - - William Trousdale, Oct. 
Arkansas, - - John S. Roane, - Nov. 
Texas, - - - - Peter H. Bell, . - Dec. 
Missouri, - - Austin A. King, - Dec. 
California, - - Peter H. Burnett, Dec. 



'51 



'53 
'55 
'52 
'55 
'54 
'52 
'53 
'52 
'51 
} 53 
'51 



'&& 

'52 
'53 
'52 
'51 
'54 
'51 
'51 
'52 
'51 
'52 
'51 



Salary. 

$1,500 
1,000 
750 
2,500 
400 
1,100 
4,000 
1,600 
3 T 000 

1,333% 
3,600 

3,333+ 
2,000 
3,500 
3,000 
1,500 
2,500 
3,000 
6,000 
1,200 
1,300 
1,500 
1,000 
1,250 
1,000 
2,500 
2,000 
1,800 

• 2,000 
2,000 

10,000 



The names of Governors in italics are whigs. 



268 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 



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OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 



269 



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270 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 



RECAPITULATION. 

1st Term, 1789. Electors 69, and 09 votes for George Washington- 
John Adams had 34. John Jay had .New-Jersey, 5, Delaware, 3, Virgin- 
ia 1—9 in all . R. H. Harrison had Maryland, 6. J. Rutiedge had South 
Carolina, 6. John Hancock had Pennsylvania, 2, Virginia, 1, Soutli Car- 
olina, 1 — 1 in all. G.. Clinton had Virginia, 3. S. Huntington had Con- 
necticut, 2. J. Milton had Georgia. 2. J. Armstrong had Georgia, 1, 
Edw, Telfair had Georgia, 1. B. Lincoln had Georgia, 1— Total 69. 
Rhode-Island, New- York, and North-Carolina did not assent to the con- 
stitution in season to vote for President in 1789. 

Jud Term, 1793. Electors, 135. 132 votes for George Washington, 
and 3 vacancies, (Maryland, 2, and South-Carolina, 1). John Adams re- - 
reived 77 votes ; George Clinton, 50. Thomas Jefferson had Kentucky, 
4 votes. Aaron Burr had South-Carolina, 1 vote — Tot 

3d Term, 171)7. Electors, 138. John Adams received 71 votes- 
Thomas Jeflerson had 68 votes. Thomas Pinckney-had 59 votes. Aaron 
Burr had 30. votes. S. Adams had Virginia, 15 votes. O. L. FJsworth 
had New-Hampshire, 6, Massachusetts, 1, Rhode-Island I — 11 in all. 
George Clinton had Virginia, 3, Georgia 4. — 7 in all. John Jay had Con- 
necticut, 5. James Iredell had North-Carolina, 3. George Washington 
had Virginia, 1. North-Carolina, 1 — 2 in all. J. Henry had Maryland, 2. 

C. C. Pinckney had North-Carolina, 1. S.Johnson had 2 from Massa- 
chusetts . 

-1th Term, 1801. Electors , 138. Thos. Jefferson received 73 votes ; 
Aaron Burr received 73 votes: J. Adams had G5 votes; (has. C. Pinck- 
ney had 64 votes. John Jay had Rhode-Island. 1. The election was 
carried to the House of Representatives, and Mr. Jefferson was, on the 
36th ballot, chosen President by the votes of New-York, New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland. Virginia, JNorth-Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee 
and Kentucky. Mr. Burr was also chosen Vice -President. After this 
the Constitution was altered so as to require the President and Vice- 
President to be voted for separately. 

5th Term, 1805. See table. 

6th Term, 1309. For President, J. Madison. 122 votes; Chas. C. Pinck- 
ney. 47; G. Clinton, 6 votes from the State of New- York. Vacancy in 
Kentucky.* Total, 176. For Vice-President. G. Clinton, 113; Rufus 
King, 47; J. Langdon, 9, (6 from Vermont and 3 from Ohio); J. Madison, 
3, (from N. Y.), J.Monroe, 3, (from N. V): 1 vacancy in Kentucky. 
Total, 176. 

7th Term, 1313. See table. One vacancy in Ohio. 

Term, 1817. For President. J. Monroe, 183 votes; Rufus Kin 
Four vacancies, (Del. l.Md.3). Total, -I. For Vice-President, Dan'J 

D. Tompkins, 183 votes; John F. Howard. 22 vote? from Mass. ; James 
Ross, 5, from Conn. ; J. Marshall, 5, from Conn. ; R. G. Harper, 3 from 
Delaware. Four vacancies as before. Total I 

9th Term. 1321. For President, J. Monroe, 23J ; J. Q. Adams, 1, from 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 271 

Mass. Total, 232. For Vice President, D. D. Tompkins, 218 ; R. Stock- 
ton, 8, from Mass. 5 D. Rodney, 4, from Delaware 5 R. Rush, l,from JM. 
H.j R. G. Harper, 1, from Maryland. Total, 232. 

10th Term, 1825: For President, Andrew Jackson, 99 votes ; J. Q. 
Adams, 84; Wm. H. Crawford, 41 5 Henry Clay, 37. Total, 261. Mr. 
Adams was chosen by the House of Representatives. See table. Fdr 
Vice President, J. C. Calhoun, 182; N. Sandford, 30 5 N. Macon, 24, 
from Va.; A. Jackson, 13, (1 from N. H. ? 8 from Conn., 1 from Md., and 
3 from Mo.;) M. Van Buren, 9, from Georgia 5 Henry Clay, 2, from Del. 
One vacancy in Rhode Island: Total, 261. 

11th Term, 1829. See Table. 

12th Term 1833. For President, Andrew Jackson, 219 votes 5 Henry 
Clay, 49 ; J. Floyd, 11, from S. C; Wm. Wirt, 7, from Vt ; Two vacan- 
cies from Maryland, Total, 286. For Vice President, M. Van Buren, 
189; John Sergeant, 49; Wm. Wilkins, 30, from Pa.; Henry Lee, 11, from 
S. C; Amos EUmaker, 7, from Vt. Total, 2S6. 

13th Term, 1837. For President, Martin Van Buren, 17^ Wm. H 
Harrison. 73; Hugh L White, 26; Daniel Webster, 14; W. P. Mangum, 
11. Total. 294 For Vice President, Richard M. Johnson, 144; Francis 
M- Granger, 77; John Tyler, 47, Wm. Smith, 23- Total, 294. . 

14ih Term, 1841. For President Wm. H. Harrison, 234 votes; M. Van 
Buren, 60; Total 294. For Vice President, John Tyler, 234 j R. M» 
Johnson, 48; L. W. Tazewell, II; J. K. Polk, 1. Total, 294, 

loth Term, 1845. (See Table.) 

16th Term, 1849. (See Table.) 



SINGULAR COINCIDENCE, 

The presidents left the chair of state at periods of life as 
follows : 

George Washington, - in the 66th year of his age, 
John Adams, - - ". 66th " 

Thomas Jefferson, - - " 66th 

James Madison, " U6th " 

James Monroe, - - " 66th " 

John Quincy Adams, - * 62d 

Andrew Jackson, - " 70th 

Martin Van Buren, - - " 59th 
William H. Harrison, - " 68th 

James K. Polk, - ' - " 54th 

Zachary Taylor, - " 66th " 

Had the younger Adams -been elected a second term, he 
would have retired in his 66th year. 



272 political landmarks; 



FIRST CENSUS OF THE U. S. FOR 1790. 

Whites, and all others not slaves 3,231,930 

Slaves, 697,897 

Total population, 3,! 

Apportionment. — Tho apportionment, under the first census, in 1790 
of Representatives among the several States, agreeable to the act of 
April 14, 1792, was 1 Representative to every 33,000 souls, after March, 
3, 1793. 

SECOND CENSUS OF THE U. S. FOR 1800. 

Whites, &c, 4 412.900 

Slaves, 893,041 

Total, 5,305,941 

Apport^iment of Representatives, according to act of Jan. 14, I 
was 1 Representative to ever)' 33,000 souls, after-March 3, 1803. 

THIRD CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1810. 

Whites, &c, 6 .048,450 

Slaves, 1, 191,304 

Total, 7,239,814 

Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of Dec. 21, 1811, 
was 1 Representative to every 35,000 souls, after March 3, 1813. 

FOURTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1820. 

Whites, &c, 8,100,163 

Slaves, , 1.538,028 

Total, , . . . , , 9,G38,191 

Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of March ' 
was 1 Representative to every 40,000 souls, after March 3, 1823. 

FIFTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1830. 

Whites, &c, 1 850,977 

Slaves, 2,009,043 

Total, 12 ,866,020 

Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of May 22, 1832, 
was 1 Representative to every 47.700 souls, after March 3, 1833. 



SIXTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1840. 

Whites, &c, 14,582,098 

Slaves, 2,457,355 

Total,,,,,,., , 17,069,453 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES, 



273 



Apportionment of Representatives, according to act of June 25, 1842, 
was 1 Representative to every 70,680 souls, after March 3, 1843. 

Under each apportionment, two-fifths of the slave population was de- 
ducted. 



SIXTH CENSUS OF THE U. S., FOR 1840. 



| White population, 
| and all others not j 
I slaves. 



Maiae. . 

New Hampshire, 

Massachusetts, 

Rhode Island, 

Connecticut, 

Vermont, 

New York, 

New Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Man-land, 

Virginia, 

North Carolina, 

South Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Alabama, 

Mississippi, 

Louisiana, 

Tennessee, 

Kentucky, 

Ohio, 

Indiana, 

Illinois, 

Missouri. 

Michigan. 

Arkansas, 

Florida, 

Wisconsin, 

Iowa, 

District of Columbia, 



Total. 



501,793 
284,574 

737.699 
108,825 
309.061 
291,948 

2.428,917 
312.659 

1,723,969 
75,480 
380.282 
790,810 
507,602 
267,360 
410.450 
337,224 
162,440 

. 183,957 
646,151 
587,570 

1,519,464 
685,863 
475,852 
335,462 
212,267 
77,637 
28,760 
30.934 
43.096 
39,018 



5 
17 

4 

0.47 

64 

2,605 

89,737 

448,987 

245,817 

327.038 

280,942 

253,532 

195,211 

168,454 

183,059 

192,258 

3 

3 

331 

58,240 

19,937 

25,717 

11 

16 

4.694 



Total number of persons on board vessels of war in the U. S. 
service, June 1, 1840, .', 

Total of the United States,. 



501,793 

284,574 

737,699 

108,830 

309,978 

291 ,948 

2,428.921 

'373^306 

1,724,033 

78,805 

470,019 

1,239,797 

753,419 

594,398 

691.392 

590,756 

375,651 

•352,411 

829,210 

779,828 

1,519,467 

685,866 

476,183 

383,702 

212,267 

97,574 

54,477 

30,945 

43,112 

43,712 

17,063,353 



6,100 



....,.,,-. 1 7 ,06 5 ,439. 

SIXTH CENSUS OF THE U. S. FOR 1850. 

The Superintendent of the Census furnished the Washington Republic, 
at Washington, in May last, the following statement of the census or 
1850, which is the only list now before thg public. It is supposed to be 
nearly correct, although there may be some slight inaccuracies It also 
gives the ratio of representation and number of Representatives to each 
state, which that amount of population will give, the fractions being giv- 
en in a separate column, as left to each state. 



274 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS J 



Free Popu- 
lation. 



Maine, 

New-Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, 
Vermont. 
Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, 
New-York, 
New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, 
Indiana, 
Wisconsin, 
Michigan, 
Illinois, 
Iowa. 
California, 
Maryland, 
' Virginia, 
North-Carolina, 
South-Carolina, 
Georgia, 
Florida. 
Alabama, 
[Mississippi, 
Louisiana, 
Texas. 
Arkansas, 
Missouri. 
Tennessee, 
Kentucky, 
Delaware, 



533,232 
317,831 

934,721 

313,4-66 
147,555 
370,604 
3.090,022 
488,552 
2,311,681 
1,977,031 
988,734 
301,226 
395,703 
858,298 
192,122 
200.000 
492.706 
948.055 
583,544 
289,000 

48,046 

428.165 

134 057 

162.658 
594,843 
733.599 

39.239 



Representa- 
tive popula- 
tion. 



No. of Repre- 
sentatives 
and fractions. 



89 800 
173,026 

288.412 

384,925 

515,6691 

•39,311 

342,894 

300,419 

230,8 17 

53.346 

46.983 

89,289| 

249,519 

221,768 

2,289 



1,231,870 
753,505 
514.499 
733,448 

71,750 
634,501 
472,685 
408,440 
166,064 
190,848 
648.416; 
9:3.310 
912,788! 

90.612, 



Free States, 

Slave States, - - 

District and Territories, 



ENTIRE POPULATION. 

Free. 

13,533,328 

- - I 

- II 



6 21,020 

3 36,725 

10 57,251 

32 91,553 

5 20,113 

J I 62,533 

21 9 289 

10 51*714 

4 20,120 
9 20.980 
2 1.713 

5 78.08*; 
13 13,744 

8 3,889 

7 77,534 



6 72,289 

6 20,895 

4 33,632 

• 

6 86*204 

9 89,992 

9 75,170 



Slavea. 
3.5U0 



20,087 3,710 

The entire representative population is about 21,832,625. The r;*o 
of representation will be about 93,702. 
As the law of22d May 1850, determines tke number of representatives, 

at 233 and as but 220 of these are provided for in the foregoing table 
without taking them from fractions, it will be necessary to select from 
the thirteen states having the largest fractions, to each of which are to 
be assigned a representative, to make up the entire number. 

The states entitled to representatives for such fractions will most 
probably be Alabama, Georgia, Indiana. Illinois, Kentucky. Massachiu 
setts, Maryland. Missouri, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ten- 
nessee, Texas. 

The states which gain, irrespective of the fraction, will be Pennsylva- 
nia 1, Illinois 2, Mississippi 1, Michigan 1, Missouri 1—6. 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 



275 



The states which gain, in all, are as follows, viz : Arkansas 1, Indiana 

Illinois 2. Massachusetts 1, Mississippi 2, Michigan 1, Missouri 2, 
Pennsylvania 1 — 10. 

The following states lose, viz: Maine 1, New-Hampshire 1, New- 
i'ork 1, North-Carolina 2, South-Carolina 2, Vermont 1, Virginia 2—11. 

The free states gain six members and lose four ; the slave states gain 
bur and lose six. 



INDEBTEDNESS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 



United States. 

Maine. 

Massachusetts, 

Ne^-.York. 

New- Jersey. 

Pennsylvania. 

Maryland, 

'irginia, 

orth-Carolina, 
South-Carolina, 
Georgia, 
Alabama, 

Total in If. 50, 
Total in 1843. 



564223233 

'979,000 

S.091.017 

23,937 .249 

62.596 

40.4:4.737 

15.900;000 

14.400,507 

977,000 

3 622.039 

1.903,472 

10,335,938 



Increase in seven years, 



Mississippi, 

Louisiana, 

Texas, 

Arkansas, 

Tennessee, 

Kentucky, 

Ohio, 

Michigan, 

Indiana, 

Illinois, 

Missouri, 

Iowa, 




INDEBTEDNESS OF BAINKS, RAILROADS, CITIES & COUNTIES 

Bonded debts of cities and counties, 1851 , $75,000,000,00 

Bonded debts of railroad and canal companies, 1851, 80,000,000,00 

Loans and discounts of banks in the United States, 1851, 450,000,000,00 

Total, - - . - - - - $605,000,000.00 



276 political landmarks; 

CENSUS OF MICHIGAN BY TOWNS. 

ALLEGAN COUNTY. 



TOWNSHIPS. 



1840 1845 1850 townships. 1840 1845 1850 



Allegan, 

Dorr, 

Fillmore, 

Ganges, 

Gunplain ; 

Leigh ton, 

Manlius, 

Martin, 



Assyria, 

Barry. 

Baltimore, 

Castleton, 

Carlton, 

Hope, 

Hastings, 

Irving, 



Bainbridge, 

Bertrand, 

Benton, 

Berrien, 

Buchanan, 

Galien, 

New Buffalo. 



Algansee, 

Batavia, 

Bethel, 

Bronson. 

Butler, 

California, 

Cold Water,. 

Girard, 



Calvin, 

Howard, 

Jefferson, 

La Grange, 

Mason, 

Marcellus, 

Milton, 

New burgh, 



1IC 



251 

1 .^'3 



593 

26i 



424 
400 
335 

234 

1.123 

4.33 



Monterey, 
Newark, 
Otsego, 
Tine Plains/ 
Plainfield, 
Trowbridge, 
Watson, 
Way land, 



BARRY COUNTY. 



843 


752 




124 




527 




246 


476 






112 


84 




235 


329 



121 


:n 


238 

21.) 


480 


507 




397 








217 


313 




205 






133 


406 


1,783 


2,941 


5,127 





312 


336 | 


343 


216 


478 
90 1 




200 


324 




21* 


272l 
99 1 


279 


236 


554 




139 


214 | 



Johnstown, 


2271 


285 




Maple Grove, 


1 




153 


Orangeville, 


1 




36 1- 


Prairk-ville, 




137 




Rutland, 


1 




177 


Thornapple, 


99| 


177 


33G 


Woodland, 




205 


• 377 


Yankee Springs 


130| 

— 1- 


177 


292 



1,0781 2,602 5 ,072 



BERRIEN COUNTY. 



613 
1,395 
237 
566 
630 
141 
401 



Niles, 

Oronoko, 

Pipestone, 

Royalton, 

St. Jose ph, 

Weesaw, 





1,884 




335 


664 




146 


283 




489 






112 


155 




5,011 


7,865 


11,112 



BRANCH CO 



£109 

679 

713 
611 

I 473 
1,467 2.166 



776 
636 
449 
561 
469 



Gilead, 
Kinderhook, 
Mattison, 
Noble, 

j Ovid, 
: Quihcy, 
j Sherwood. 
Union, 



211 




503 




282 


356 


17m 


333 






434 


451 


369 


393 


710 


498 


841 


1,111 


367 


613 


686 


507 


715 


i 


5,715 


9,064 


1 2 i ; i 



CASS COUNTY. 





359 




370 






471 


684 


887 


769 


1,030 


1,327 


318 


398 


570 




187 


222 


439 


478 


610 


175 




388 , 



Ontwa, 

Fenn, 

Porter, 

Pokagon, 

Silver Cre'ek, 

Volinia, 

Wayne, 







781 


II.-. 


536 


698 




94S 




516 


618 




183 


335 


491 


111 


531 


607 


335 




682 


5,710 


8.078 


10.906 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 277 

CALHOUN COUNTY. 



TOWNSHIPS. 


1840 


1S45 


1850 


TOWNSHIPS. 


1840 


1845 


1850 


Albion. 




1.358 


1.666 


Homer, 


824 


830 


929 


Athens. 


134 


375 


532 


Lee. 


59 


208 


381 


Battle Creek, 


993 


1.652 


1.897 


Lerov. 


326 


582 


878 


Bedford, 


820 


455 


710 


Marshall, 


1,763 


2 250 




Burlington, 


411 


659 


811 


Marengo, 


872 


1.080 


1.013 


Clarence, 




326 


485 


Newton. 


. ; 


387 


569 


Clarendon, 


506 


692 


669 


Pennnela. 


377 


517 


598 


Convis, 


292 


539 


621 


Pincknev. 


201 






Eckford, 


555 


711 


715 


Sheridan, 


534 


791 


978 


Emmet. 


647 


1,122 


1.582 


Tekonsha, 


375 


530 


651 


Fredonia. 


343 




623 














10,599 


15,594 


19469 



CHIPPEWA COUNTY. 

Sault Ste Marie 534 | 1,017 | 89S 

CLINTOx\ T COUNTY. 

Bath. 151 222. Greenbush, 

Bengat, 49 143 Lebanon, 

Bingham, 72 185 Olive, 

Dallas, 108 185 Ovid. 

DeWitt, 418 706 Riley. 

Duplam, 213 419 Victor. 

Eagle, I 364 521 Watertown. 

Essex, 193 410 1 Westphalia, 





105 


318 




114 


192 




159 


228 




102 


172 




154 


191 




229 


277 




198 


315 




401 


618 


1.614 


3,010 


5.102 



EATON COUNTY. 



Believue. 

Benton. 

Brookfield. 

Carmel, 

Chester, 

Delta. 

Eaton, 

Eaton Rapids, 



529 


653 


769 




186 


314 




147 


255 


85 


288 


567 


195 


201 


380 




110 


142 


868 


397 


539 




457 


1.525 



Argentine. 


177 


Atlas, 




Clayton, 




Cavison. 




East Genesee, 




Fenton, 


660 


Forest, 


1 


Flint. 


984 


Flashing; 


473 







Kalamo, 

Oeinda, 

Roxand , 

Suniield, 

Tyler, 

VermontvilLc, 

Walton, 

Windsor, 



f : • 9 




265 


.■ 




166 




680 


182 


272 


116 


286 



GENESEE COUNTY. 

Genesee, 

Grand Blanc, 

Hearsley. 

Montrose, 

Mundy, 

Riehheid, 

Thetford, 

Vienna, 

Weat Genesee. 



384 


436 | 


780 


1.207 




413 


203 


367 




844 1 


953 


873 


126 


179 : 


2.008 


3,304 


1.211 




ibb 


m 1 



425 
782 
1 15 


843 
1029 


no 


632 

427 


• 


172 
342 



429 

492 
358 

122 

324 
464 
253 



- 2,379 1 4,813] 7,058 



482 
303 






278 



POLITICAL LANDMARK8 ; 
HILLSDALE COUNTY. 



TOWNSHIPS. 


1840. 


1815. 


1850. 


TOWNSHIPS. 


1840. 


1850. 


1850. 


Adams, 


551 


794 


1,129 


Litchfield, 


691 


929 


1,3)12 


.Allen. 


466 


701 


1.033 


Moscow, 


758 


883 


942 


Amboy, 






252 


Pitts ford, 


641 




i.i j.; 


Camden, 


171 


315 


59 1- 


Ransom, 






549 


Cambria, 




421 


716 


Reading, 


331 


620 


956 


Canaan, 


164 






Rowland, 


83 






Fayette, 


807 


1 7-20 


895 


Scipio, 


63 1 


644 


8G1 


Florida, 


m 


m 




Somerset, 


716 


776 


913 


Hillsdale, 






1 ,067 


Wheatland, 


718 


1,125 




Jefferson, 






',■■■'■ 


Wood bridge, 




m 


104 


Jonesville vil 


age. 




565 


Wright, 






574 




7,210 


11,111 


16,159 



Eagle Harbor 
Houghton, 



HOUGHTON COUNTY, 

I 126 I L'Ance, 

51G I 

HUROJN COUiNTY. 



126 
798 



A hid on. 


221 


Aurelius, 


148 


Brutus, 


97 


Bunker Hill, 


93 


Delhi, 


■ 


lngharn, 


ills 


Lansing, 




LeRoy, 


110 


Leslie, 


281 


Berlin, 




Boston, 


85 


Campbell. 




Cass, 


202 


Danby, 




East on. 




Ionia, 


486 


Keene, 




Lyons. 


49'/ 


Montcalm, 




Columbia, 


952 


Concord, 


814 


Bast Portage, 


532 


Grass Lake, 


1,127 


Hanover, 


714 


Henrietta, 


277 


Jackson 


2,773 


Lconi, 


1,057 


Liberty, 


525 


Napoleon, 


1,098 



UN GHAM COUNTY. 

Locke. 
Meridan, 

Onondaga, 
Phelpsto" n, 
Stockbridge, 
Vevay, 
Wheatfield, 
White Oak, 



IONIA COUNTY. 



296 


377 


31« 


501 


226 


374 


2i.; 


402 


53 1 


751 


88 


1,229 


164 


254 | 


509 


673 j 





212 




1G9 


27.; 


559 


121 


191 


385 


552 




604 




180 


570 


1 '2 


,498 





321 

3G7 
S19 

651 
783 
231 

508 



348 

2i\ 



150 
278 
654 
390 
705 
161 l 



391 
424 
40 

3G2 
397 
774 
737 
850 




JACKSON 



1,089 


1.112 


901 


981 


922 




1.312 


12281 


931 


931 


m 


830 


3,427 


4,117 | 


1,331 


V2!<0 1 


G92 


891 


1,255 


1,208 



COUNTY. 

Parma, 

Pulaski, 

Rives, 

Sandstone, 

Spring Arbor, 

Springport, 

Tompkins, 

Waterloo, 



nlo 


7G9 


394 


653 


400 




G51 


789 


775 


935 


294 


476 


209 


311 


13,130 


16,825 



,081 
760 

75! I 
,098 



19,433 



_ 



OR HISTORY OF PARTIES. 
KALMAZOO COUNTY. 



279 



TOWNSHIPS 



1840. 1815. 1850. 



TOWNSHIPS. 



1840, 1846. 1850 



Alamo, 

Brady, 

Cooper, 

Comstock, 

Climax. 

Charleston, 

Kal. vil. ) 

Kal. town, ) 

Oshtemo, 



Ada,. 

Aigoma, 

Alpine. 

Bowne, 

Byron, 

Cannon, 

Cascade, 

Court land, 

Caledonia, 

Gaines, 

Grand Rapids, city, 

Grand Rapids, town. 



Almont, 

Attica, 

Dryden, i 

Elba. 

Hadiey, 365! 

Imlay, 

Lapeer, 746| 

Marathon, 92 1 



Adrian. 
Blissfleld, 
Cambridge, 
Dover, 
Fairfield, 
Franklin, 
Hudson, 
Madison, 
Medina, 
Macon, 
Ogden, 



194 


305 


-120 


1.175 


581 


578 


376 


is: 


733 


624 


945 


1 ,202 


310 


581 


504 


605 


890 


. 846 
2,507 


1,290 


] .924 


777 


310 


400 


587 



Brighton, 
Conway, 
Deerfield, 
Genoa, 



Pavillion, 

Portage, 

Prairie Ronde, 

Richland. 

Ross, 

Schoolcraft, 

Texas, 

Wakeshma, 



KEiNT COUNTY. 

}7| 593 | Grattan, 
233 ! I Lowell, . 
618 j| Muskegon, 
220 Oakfield, 



400 

127 



309 
696 
358 
406 
99 
319 
26-16 
503 



Paris, 

Plainfield, 

Sparta, 

Vergennes, 

Walker, 

Wyoming, 



409 


L4.52 


90( | 


462 


219 


1,131 


607 


2-35 




846 


BS8 


183 


230 


1.467 


567 


205 



2,496 


2,821 


3,008 


773 860 


924 


644 817 


974 


841 1.116 


1,223 


837 1,163 


1,327 


1,023 1.204 


1,231 


599 ' 956 


1.544 


1.067 


1,780 


2,320 | 


760 


1,176 


1,685 


1.146 


925 1,030 1 


286 


420 


5791 



7,380 



407 
547 
720 
638 

419 
1.089 

352 



495 
726 
690 
795 
680 
1.101 
410 
128 



10.163 13.179 







648 






234 




104 


4C4 




484 


521 




565 


659 
309 




S50 


876 




1,122 


823 
543 


2,537 


6,153 


12,017 



LAPEER COUNTY. 

Metamora, 

Mayfield, 

Oregon, 

Atlas. 

Bristol, 

Davison, 

Richfield, 



LENAWEE COUNTY. 

Palmyra, 

Raisin, 

Pudge wa/, 

Riga, 

Rollin, 

Rome, 

Seneca, 

Tecum sen, 

Woodstock. 



LIVINGSTON COUNTY. 



350 


266 


660 

884 

(59 
\9o 


1.258 


,265 


1 5.314 



823 


1,118 


1.098 


1,117 


1Mb 


1,267 




561 


634 




139 


208 


58 i 


952 


1.080 


1.128 


1,460 


1.523 


531 


349 


1,092 


2.503 


2,624 


2,678 


674 


766 


949 


17,889 


22.923 


26,380 



786] 


922 


1,015 


1 


269 


460 


4401 


697 


882 


5041 


. 610 


753 



Iosco. 


395, 


552, 


645 


Jena, 


141 






Marion, 


3451 


6011 


873 


Osceola, 


5231 


7061 


960 



280 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS; 



TOWNSHIPS 



1840. 1845. 1850. townships. 1840. 1845. 1850. 



Green Oak. 
Hartland, 
Howell, 
Hamburg, 

Handy. 



Armada, 

Bruce.. 

Chesterfield, 

Clinton, 

Erin, 

Harrison. 

Lenox, 

Macomb, 



Holmes, 
Moran. 



Total. 



764 


884 


57') 


831 


321 


703 


602 


780 


15ft 


301 



941 I 

996 I 

1,155 j 

895 

484| 



Putnam, 
Tuscola, 
Tyrone, 
Un ad ill a, 



5971 8871 797 

247 418 454 

3941 6761 867 

643 j 9451 1,027 

7,430J 10,787| 13.475 



MACOMB COUNTY. 



652 


1.069 


1,146 


1,1281 1,375 


1,555 


845 


1,002 


1,115] 1,754 


2,130 




721 


974 


395 


528 1 483 


284 


513 654 


952 


646 


757 1 



Richmond, 


602 


415 


1,000 


Ray, 


805 




1,232 


Shelby. 


1 ,262 


1.290 


1,482 


Sterling, 


677 


831 


876 


Washington, 


•1.314 


1,518 


1,541 


Warren, 


337 


421 


7U0 


Orange, 


193 








9,716 


13,491 





MACKINAC COUN T V 

1,1511 

281 1 

MARQUETTE COUNTY, 
MASON COUNTY, 



9231 1,166| ■ 



Total, 



MIDLAND COUNT F, 



MONTCALM COUNT E 



Eureka, 




1 m 1 


BushnrdU 


i 


1 66 


Montcalm, 




135 j 
| 229 II 


| 


! 


P'airplain, 






891 






MONROE COUNTY. 




• 


Ash. 


949 


1.229 j 


London , 






Bedford, 


499 


849 889 ' 


Milan, 






Dundee, 


773 


1,004 






837 


Erie. 




1.016 II ! 


Monroe, (cit- 






Exeter, 


233 


376 458 1 


Raisinville, 683 






Erenchto\yn. 


833 


979 1,242 


Summerfoid. 


171 


172 


Ida, 


251 


422 345 . 


Whitford, 36 3 


56-1 




Lasalle, 


905 


1,003]' 1,100 












NEWAYGO 









510 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 
OAKLAND COUNTY. 



281 



TOWNSHIPS. 



1840. 1845 



1850. 



TOWNSHIPS. 1840: 1845. 



1850, 



Addison. 

Avon, 

Bloomfield, 

Brandon, 

Commerce, 

Farmington, 

Groveland, 

Highland, 

Holly, 

Independence 

Lyon, 

Mil ford, 

Novi. 



Total , 
Total, 



Allendale, 

Chester, ■ 

Crockery, 

Georgetown, 

Holland 

Jamestown^ 

Muskegon, 

Norton" 



Bridgeport, 
Buena Vista, 
Hampton. 
Northampton 

Saginaw, 



Lexington. 
Sanilac, 



537 

1.630 

1,508 

442 

939 

1 ,60-1 

655 

5661 

429 

, 330 

1,206 

830 

1,351 



1,831 

1,735 

691 

1,465 

1 .755 

'910 

994 

657 

1,281 

1,195 

1,362 

1 .529 



92 1 
1 .4.5(3 
1,603 

893 
1,428 
1,844. 

'988 

851 

941 
1.279 
1,134 
1,470 
1,428 j 



Oakland, 

Orion, 

Oxford. 

Pontiac, 

Rose, 

Royal Oak, 

Southfield, 

Springfield, 

Troy, 

Waterford, 

WhiteLake, 

West Blqomfi 



918 
769 
574 

1,904 
415 
860 

1,061 
573 

1,482 

946 

549 

ld,938 



23,646 



974i 978 
1,036 1,119 

874 1,019 
2,86l!l9 

750 



957 
1.240 

873 
1,583 
1,017 

726 
1,21' 



1092 
l'.658 

956 
1,426 
1,085 

905 



OCEANA COUNTY. 



ONTONAGON COUNTY. 



OTTAWA COUNTY. 

Ottawa, 

Oceana, 

Polkton, 

Ravenna, 

Spring Lake, 

Tallmadge, 

Wright, 



SAGINAW COUNTY 



30,241 31,26 T 
300 
389 







168 






216 






247 


38 


133 


196 
1,829 

72 




119 


484 


98 


350 





398 


321 


430 


31 


45 






98 


268 

77 

545 


139 


351 


534 

521 


704 


1,417 


5,587 



374 II 
251 

546 II 

122 11 

917 II 



Taymouth. 
Tittabawassee, 
Tuscola, 55] 



598| 



SANILAC COUNTY. 

| 1,176 1 Worth. 
339 I 



SCHOOLCRAFT COUNTY, 



1 21 

1 254 
1C4 


58 
341 


1,218 


2,609 



Bennington, 
Burns, 



403 
114 



Caledonia 
Hazleton, 

Midlebury, 32 

New Hav'n & Rush 
Owosso, 234 

12 



SHIAWASSEE COUNTY- 

Perry, 

Sciota, 

Shiawassee, 

Venice, 

Vernon, 

Woodhull, 



167 


282 | 


559 


601 


488 


717 


331 


500 




26 


59 


132 | 


103 


150, 

392 ll 


413 





197 [ 


313 




182 


191 


326 


649 


810 




97 


186 


373 


506 


674 
259 


147 


171 


2,103 


3,921 r 


5,233 



282 



POLITICAL LANDMARKS ; 
ST. CLAIR COUISTY. 



TOWNSHIPS. 



1845. 



1850. 



Berlin, 

Broc way, 

Burchville, 

Casco, 

China 

Clay, 

Columbus, 

Cottreiville, 

Clyde, 

Ira, 



610 



2041 



396 


533 




252 


353 


472 




134 


870 


1,037 


OhiJ 


821 


3)o 


377 


726 


913 


432 


691 


391 


597| 



TOWNSHIPS. 


1840., 1845. 


1850. 


Lexington, 






do in Sanilac. 






Lyn, 




55 


Port Huron, \'i\. 


1,184 


1,584 


do town. 




717 


PolU, in Huron, 


1% 




Kilev, 




311 


St. Clair, 413 


1 .004 


1,728 


Wales, 




113 


189 




2,371 


7 562 


10411 



Sanilac has been cut off from St. Clair since the census of 1845 



Bucks. 
Burr Oak 
Colon, 
Constantino- 
Fawn River^ 
Fabius, 
Florence, 
Flowerfield, 
Leonidas, 



ST. JOSEPH COUNTY. 



Lockport, 
Mendon, 
Mottville, 
Nottawa, 

Park, . 
Sherman, 
Sturgis, 
White Pigeon 



TUSCOLA COUNTY. 



787 


421 




120 


683 


847 j 


751 


1,042 


1.494 


220 


461 


473 




370 


504 


523 


739 




281 


429 


- 563. , 


410 


668 


858 / 





873 


1,143 




603 


860 


465 


581 


610 






1,165 


331 


567 


823 


683 




354 




657 


839 


, 680 


787 


794 


7,068 


10,097 





Almena, 

Antwerp, 

Arlington, 

Bloomingdale, 

Columbia, 

Clinch, 

Decatur, 

Hamilton, 

Hartiord, 



Ann Arbor, 

Augusta, 

Bndgewater, 

Dext'r, t'n & vil. 

Freedom, 

Lyndon, 

Lodi, 

Lima 

Manchester, 

NorthfieM, ' 

FiUirield, 





350 


420 1 


316 


546 


614 




123 






122 


160 




104 


265 


250 






3d£ 


115 


386: 


145 


279 


370 1 


76 


, 204 


296 I 





4,143 


4.870 | 


b46 


695 


808 1 




1,073 


1,118 


iL 


( IO 


1,435 


956 


1,222 


1.214 




763 901 


1,077 


1.154 1,234 




966 


912 




12279 


1.274- 




1.070 


1,116 


J ,W1 


i,iy7 


1,232 



VAN BUREN COUNTY. 



Keeler. 
Lawrence, 
La Fayette. 
Pine Grove, 
Porter, 
South Haven, 
Waverly, 



WASHTENAW COUNTY. 



Saline, 1,390 

Salem. 1,364 

Scio, 

Sharon, 

Supsrior, 

Sylvan, 

Webster, 

York, 1446 

Vpsilanti, 2,419 



3 26 


280 


486 


243 


317 


510 


327 


752 


1,145 




314 


444 


99 


142 
95 


220 


1,910 


3,743 


5,618 



1,636 

1,737 
800 

1.269 
865 
950 

1,31 

2,651 



Residue of co.l?,024 

3S,d7] | 26,979 



1,631 

1,195 

869 

1,127 

1,360 
3,052 



28,561 



OR HISTORY OP PARTIES. 
WAYJSE COUNTY. 



283 



TOWNSHIPS. 


1840. 


1845. 


1850. 


TOWNSHIPS; 


1840. i 1845. 


1850. 


Brownstown, 


793 


811 1.047 


1 Nankin, 


1,109 


1 ,420 


1,617 


Canton. 


1,081 


1.225 1,333 


1 Plvmouth, 


2.163 


2.602 


2,431 


Detroit City, 


9.102 


12,643 _ 


1 Rensselaer, 


464 






Dearborn, 


1,248 


1.000 1,385 


I Redford. 


1,108 


1.467 


1,645 


Ecorse, 


738 


8.5.3 




Spriagweils, 


916 


1,548 


1.263 


Greenfield, 


738 


1.203 


1.674 


Sumpter, 


193 


815 


1 


Grosse Point, 






1,392 


Taylor, 






I 


Huron, 


301 


377 


482 


Romulus, • 






V282S 


Hamtrarack, 


J ,79 1 


2.219 


1,628 


Van Buren, 


940 


1.262 


1 


Livonia, 
Monguagon, 


1,169 


1,353 


1,375 


Wayne, 




'605 








24,173 


31,737 


42,765 



RECAPITULATION. 

Comparative Table, showing the population of the State of Michigan by 
Counttis, for the years 1840, 1845 and 1850' 



COUNTIES. 



11,417 

12,472 

19,169 

10.906 

898 

5,102 

7,053 

12,031 

16,159 

708 

307 

8,597 

7,597 

19,433 

13,179 

12,017 

7,026 

26,380 

13,475 

15,532 

3'597 

136 

93 

65 

891 

74,695 

510 

31,267 

300 

359 

5,587 

2,609 

2,115 

16 

5'233 

10,411 

12,717 

291 

5,681 

26,569 

42,765 



Allegan , 

Barry 

Berrien, 

Branch, 

Calhoun, 

Cass, 

Chippewa. - 

Clinton, 

Eaton, 

Genesee, 

Hillsdale, 

Houghton i 

Huron, 

Id sham. 

Ionia, 

Jackson, 

Kalamazoo, 

Kent, 

Lapeer, 

Lenawee, 

Livingston; 
Macomb, 

Mackinac, 

Marquette, 

Mason, 

Midland, 

Montcalm, 

Monroe, 

Newaygo, 

Oakland, 

Oceana, 

Ontonagon, 

Ottawa, 

Saginaw, 

Sanilac, 

Schoolcraft, 

Shiawasse, 

St. Clair, 

St. Joseph, 

Tuscola, 

Van Buren, 

Washtenaw 

Wayne } 



210,032 



2,941 
2.602 
7 £65 
9,064 

15,594 
8,078 
1.017 
3,010 
4,613 
9,2o6 

11,111 



5,267 
5,101 
16..-25 
10,163 
6,153 
5,314 
29^33 
10,787 
13,491 
1,166 



13,257 
30,241 



1,417 
1.218 



3,921 
7,562 
10,097 

3,743 
26,979 
31,747 

"302,553 



284 



political landmarks; 



UNITED STATES SENATE.— 62 MEMBERS. 

OF THE CONGRESS COMMENCING IS DECEMBER, 18.31, 

Whigs in Italics; Democrats in Roman; Free Soilers in SMALL ( APS. 
The figures before each Senator's name denote the year when his term 



ALABAMA. 

1353 Jeremiah Clemens, 
185.5 William Rufus King. 

ARKANSAS. 

1853 William K. Sebastian, 
1355 Solon Borland. 

CALIFORNIA. 

1851 J\o election, 
1865 William M. Gwin. 

CONNECTICUT. 

1851 No election, 
1855 Truman Smith. 

DELAWARE. 

1857 James A. Bayard. 
♦1353 Presletf Spruance. 

FLORIDA. 

1851 No election, 

1855 Jackson Morton. ^ 

GEORGIA. 

1853 John Macpherson Berrien. 
1855 William C. Dawson. 

INDIANA. 

1857 Jesse D. Bright, 
1855 James Whitcomb. 

ILLINOIS 

1853 Stephen A. Douglass. 
1855 James Shields. 

IOWA. 

1853 Geo. W. Jones, 
1855 Augustus C. Dodge. 

KENTUCKY. 

1853 Joseph R. Underwood. 
1355 Henry Clay. 

LOUISIANA. 

1853 Solomon U. Downs 
1855 Pierre Soule. 

MAINE. 

1857 Hannibal Hamlin, 
1853. James W. Bradbury. 

MASSACHUSETTS, 
1857 CHARLES SUMNER, 

1853 John Davis. 

MARYLAND. 

1857 Thomas G. Pratt, 
1855 James A. Pearce. 

MICHIGAN, 

1857 Lewie Cass, 
1853 Alpheus Feldj, 



Mississippi. 

1357 Jefferson Davis. 
1853 Henry Stuart Foote, 

MISSOURI. 

1857 Henry 8. Gayer, 
1355 David R. Atchison. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
1853 JOHN P. HALE, 

1855 Moses .Norris, Jr. 

NEAV YORK. 

1 857 Ham iltTTn Fish, 

1855 William Henry Seward. 

NEW JERSEY. 

1857 Robert F. Stockton, 
1353 Jacob W. Miller. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

1353 WiUie P. Mangwn, 

1855 George E. Badger. 

OHIO. 

1857 Benjam.n F. Wade, 
1855 Salmon P. Chase. 

PENNSYLVANIA! 

1857 Richard Brodhead, 
1855 James Cooper 

RHODE ISLAND. 

1857 Charles T. James, 
1853 John H. Clarke. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

1353 R. Barnwell Rhett, 
1855 Andrew P. Butler. 

TENNESSEE. 

1851 IVo election. 
1853 John Bell. 

TEXAS. 

1857 Thomas J. Rusk, % 

1853 Samuel Houston'. 

VKRMONT. 

1857 Solomon Foot. 
1855 William Uphom, 

VIRGINIA, 

1857 James M. Mason, 
1853 Robert M. T Hunter. 

wise 
1857 Henrv Dod^e 
1855 lsaac'P. Walker. 



INDEX. 



A 

Adams John, Elected Vice President, ? 

do do do do second term. 5 

do do do President, ■ 12 

Alien and sedition laws, . 15 

Adams, John, dismissed two of his Cabinet, * 

do do a friend of Jefferson's administration, 19 

do do writes against impressment, 19 

Adams John Q.uincy, inauguration of, 98 

do do apppoints his Cabinet, 99 

Anti-masonic party, 126 

Attorney General appointed, m 158 

Anti-masonry a component of the Whig party, 163 

Appropriations for Roads, Rivers and Harbors. 164 

Arkansas admitted into the Union, 167 

Appropriation for Rivers and Harbors, 167 

do do Cumberland Read, 167 

B 

Bank, National, incorporated, 3 

Bankrupt law repeated,^^ 32 

Berlin Decree, W^ 33 

Bank, United States, attempt to re charter, 4 

do do Democrats against it, 1811, 42 

do do considered unconstitutional, 43 

do do Bill to re-charter defeated, 43 44 

Bankrup; law, bill rejected, 94 

Benton, Thomas H., proposes amendment to the Constitution. 100 

do do Report, 101 

do do expunging resolution adopted, 107 

Bolivar, General, 101 

Bank, United States, President's views, 108 

Benton, T. H., resolutions adverse to, 130 

Bank, U. States, Treasurer's report upon 208 

bill for "Fiscal" ■ 209 

' " " Fiscal " passed 211 

" vetoed 211 

c " veto No. 2 213 

Batts, John M., makes mistake in letter 213 

f " tries to " head " Capt. Tyler • 213 

Benton, Thomas H-, against annexation of Texas 216 



286 



INDEX. 



Bank, United States, memorial for re-charter, 

" " chartered, 

«t « Jackson's opposition, 

a « " proposes substitute, 

n " memorial of presented, 

ci " Bill for renewal charter passed, 

« " vetoed by Jackson, 

<« « meeting in Philadelphia, 

« « disapproved by public, 

a " chartered by state of Pennsylvania in 1836; 

Black Hawk war. 
Boundary line of Maine, 

'Bank, United States, money reccommended by President to be removed 
from 
« « President's views upon sustained by Secretary of 

Treasury, 
« « proposition to sell stock of rejected, 

Jfelgium, treaty of commerce wirli. 
Bank, United States, attempt to destroy its credit, 

" " ■ loans of, 

Baltimore, 1st convention, 



ft 

129 130 
130 
130 
131 
131 
132 
132 
132 
168 
139 
139 



■153 
153 
154 
158 
158 
166 



Continental Congress, 

Convention to frame first constitution, 

Cabinet, Washington's first, 

Caucus, Congressional, 

Constitution, amendment to, 

Conspiracy, Burr's 

Clinton, George, elected Vice President, 

Crawford, William H., voted for U. S. Bank, 

Clay, Hemy, voted against U. S. Bank, 

Convention, Hartford, secret history, 

« " report of, ..., 

Clay, Henry, compromise on Missouri question * ^** 
Croswell, Edwin, supports Crawford 

Croswell, Edwin, attacks Jackson 

Crawford, William H., votes with federalists on embargo and bank question 

Columbia, treaty with the republic of 

Clay, Henry, charge of bargain 

Calhoun, John C, Vice President, 1824 
« '• " 1828, 

« « difficully with administration 

Crawford, William H., censures Gen. Jackson 
" « letter to Forsyth 

Clay, a mason 
" speech at Buffalo 

Cumberland road bill passed 

Calhoun's support of administration withdrawn 

Coalition of Antimason i and National Republicans 

Congress, twenty-eecond 

Chili, treaty with concluded 

Congress, tweJfty-third 



3 

6 12 

31 32 

33 

42 



47 to 63 
63 to 89 



100 
100 
106 
112 
113 
114 
127 
189 
132 
142 
144 
146 
154 
W 



INDEX. 287 

Calhoun opposes Jackson's administration 159 

Coin, U. S., value thereof reduced 161 

" " " " regulated 162 

Cumberland road continued 163 

Congress, twenty-third 163 

Cumberland road, appropriations for 164 
Candidates for President 164, 165 

Convention at Baltimore 165 

Congress, twenty-fourth 165 

Cumberland road - 167 

Congress, extra session of 209 

Clay, Henry, nominated by whiga fur President 217 

Cass, Lewis, nominattd as democratic candidate for President 233 

Cobb, Howell, elected speaker 24=2 

California, admission of . 215 

Clay, Henry, Omnibus bill 246 

Census from 1700 to 1840 . 272 

" by states for 1540 273 
« " 1850 273, 274 

Democrats use Hamilton's letter 17 

Detroit and Chicago, appropriation for 120 

Distribution of proceeds of public lands, bill providing for passed 153 

" bill retained by President and reasons for 153 

" Clay's bill passed senate ■ 166 

Deposits recommended to be removed by President 153 

" President urges removal of 156, 157 

" Secretary of Treasury refuses to remove 157 

" amount of government, removed 158 

" removal of, discussed in Congress 159 

" of public money regulated 166 

" c; ''■ among the states 166 

" " " amount of 167 

Debt ; pubftc, paid 167 

# E 

Election, first presidential 2 

" second do. 4 

" in House of Representatives 98 

Excise act 3 

Embargo laid 34 

" vote upon 34 

M division of parties on 34 

Electoral College, 1825, ' 97 

vote 1828 105 

" «' 1832 145 

" " " compared with 1828 145 

« 3836 173 

* " 1840 193 

" •' 1844 236 

45 " im m 



Electoral vote of all the states on each presidential election 
" " recapitulation of same 



268, 900 
270, 871 



Federalists, removal of 

*« in power and democrats trying to overthrow them 

" Jefferson's designation of 

Francs refuses to pay indemnity 
Free Soil Convention at Buffalo 
Fillmore, Millard, elected Vice President 

" " assumes duties of President 

" " appoints cabinet 

" " sketch of life of 

G 

Government, seat of, at Washington 
Gun boat system 

Gerry, Elbridge, elected Vice President 
Governors of the different states, 1851, 

H 

Hamilton against president Adams 

Henry, Patrick 

Harrison, William Henry, Dominated by whigs 

« " elected President 

" « inauguration of 

" « hi-.; cabinet 

« " la=t words and death 



238 
249 



247 
249 



3 
36 

46 
267 



17 
91 
190 
193 
195 
197, 198 
200 



Insurrection, whiskey 

Internal improvements, Jackson's hostility to 

a « determination of Congress to pass 

t< " Jackson yields and signs bill 

<■'■ " a bill for, passed J» 

Indemnity to be paid by France, neglectod 

" President's instruction to minister in reference to, urging prompt 

compliance 
<■'• from Portugal 
" France refused to pay 
Inauguration of President Jackson 
Indebtedness of the several States 



3 

112 

112 



154 
154 
105 
MB 

275 



Jefferson, Thomas, resigns his seat 
Jay's Treaty, excitement relative to 

" " resolution passed relative to 
July, celebration on 4th of, 1796 
Jefferson, Thomas, sketch of life of 

« " election of to the presidency 

« « his cabinet 

" H his removala from office 



in 

14 

20, 21 

25 to 27 

22 



INDEX. 089 

JeflfereoD, "niomaa, author of Proviso inhibiting slavery in North west ter- 
ritory 20 
" '* his test of official competency 24 
« " the contest with Burr • 25 ; 26, 27 
" « second election of 33 
" " views of political parties 37,33 

Jackson, Andrew, relative to $04 

« « elected 105 

« '« speech to revolutionary soldiers 106 

K M inauguration .105 

** " appoints cabinet 107 

* " veto of Maysville road bill 118,119 

«* B cabinet resign 124 

" H new cabinet 125 

" <■• reply to French minister 141 

" «* visits eastern cities 151 

" " assumes the responsibility of removing deposits 157 

« " protest 159 

<■ " in favor of National Convention 164 

'■ ; - farewell address 171 



Legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky, action relative to sedition law 16 

Loco foco, origin of the name as applied to party 163 



Madison, James, election of to presidency 41 

" M his cabinet 4-1 

" " re-election of 45, 46 

Monroe, James, election of to presidency , 89, 90 

" K visit to Lake Erie and Detroit 9J 

" " re-elected in 1820 91 

Missouri, question of admission of 

Minister to France appointed 156 

" " Great Britain appointed 160 

" " " " - rejected by senate 16F 

" " " '* appointed 161 

4i li Spain '• 1£5 

■* " France, call from 165 

Michigan admitted into Union 1€7 

Manifesto, drawn up by whig members of Congress dissolving any connec- 
tion with John Tyler politically 214 

Michigan, election law of 265,266 

" census- of, by towns 276 



N 




National Bjepnblkan party 


125 


Nullification, South Carolina 


115, 116, 117 


" report of com, of State Convention of £. C. 


137 


" laws of S, C 


137, 136 


"- President's views of 


139 


" " proclamation 

13 


132 



200 



Nullification, President's message in reference to 


147 


" discussed ia Congress 


148 


" disapproved by the legislatures of different States 


1 


' " Calhoun's views of 


148 


" Virginia resolutions in reference to 


149 


" difference of opinion in reference to in S. C. 


150 


" meeting at Charleston of friends to 


l.-Vl 


New Jersey, contested seats 


189 


" !' excitement relative to same 


186 


Naturalization laws, abstract of 


299 


Panama, convention atsfjfc 1 ' 
11 congress 


101 


102 


Presidential candidates 


94 


" campaign of 1832 


141 


" candidates nominated 


140—142 


Ports of the U. S. opened to British vessels 


121 


Panic in pecuniary matters 


i.'.: 


" subsided 


ME 


Protest of President 


159 


Post Master general appointed 


1C5 


Proceeds of public land, Clay's bill, 


K6 


Patents, law respecting enacted 


167 


Patriot war 


183 


" " Van 3uren's proclamation relative tc 


183 


Polk, James K. elected speaker 


179 


" " nominated for President 


218 


K " election of 


220 


" " sketch of 4ife of 


222 


' ; '■ elected by Electoral College* 


296 


" " his inaugural address 


227 


" <l on annexation of Texas 


227 


Postage, modification of 


251 


R 




Ritchie. Thomas 


44 


' ; " advocates Crawford 


96 


" " attacks Jackson 


96 


Representatives, apportionment 


129 


Revenue bill for the enforcement of collection passed 


151 


River and harbor improvement bill passed 


134 


" " " " retained by the President 


134 


" " bill passed 


152 


" " " for Florida and Michigan 


154 


" * appropriations 


162 


" do 


164 


do 


167 


" Hudson improved 


ma 


Russia treaty of commerce with 


154 


Resolutions, Clay's, censuring President 


: 159 


" of House of Representatives against U. S. Bank and sustaining 


President 


100 



INDEX. 



291 



Beads, appropriation fur in Michigan and Arkansas 

" Cumberland continued 
Resolutions of Thomas H. Benton 
Review of parties 



163 

162 



Sedition law. attempt to repeal 
Slave trade, appropriation to suppress 
South Carolina, nullification 
!* " laws authorizing the Governor to call out militia 

' ; " " " " to order the purchas 

and military munitions 
" K military force ordered to 

Secretary of State appointed 
" of Treasury appointed 
" " removed 

" appointed 

,: rejected by Senate 

" of State appointed 
" of Treasury appointed 
" of Navy " 

Specie Circular 

" effects of 

Specie payments, suspension of » 

Seminole war 
Singular coincidence 
Senate, members of 



109 
110 

138 
rms 

138 
138 

15b 
156 
157 
157 
160 
161 
161 
161 
167, 168 
168 
176 
1=4 
271 
384 



Treaty with Great Britain 
" " made public 



Tompkins, Daniel D. elected Vice President 


90 


Tariff, bill introduced 


103 


M Jackson's views on the 


108 


" ' became a law 


109 


" discussed 


135 


" J. Q.. Adams' bill passed 


135 


" denounced in South Carolina 


135 


" William McLane's views of 


146 


" discussion in Congress 


196-147 


1 New Hampshire, resolutions in favor of reduction of. 


149 


" other states in favor of 


149, 150 


" discussed in Congress 




" Clay's compromise bill passed 


152 


" " " , " approved by South Carolina. 


152 


Treaties with Mexico ratified 


139, 140 


" " France 


140 


" refusal of French Chambers to carry out 


141 


Treaty of commerce with Russia 


154 


" " with Belgium 


154 


" " with Chili 


154 


Treasury, amount of money in 


167 


Texas, annexation of 


189, 183 



292 



INDEX. 



Tyler, 



Texas, 
Taylor. 



John, notified of Harrison's death |(H 

" retains Harrisons cabinet MS 

M appoints a new cabinet 211 

treaty of annexation with . 215 

General Zachary, his contest in Mexico 236 

" nominated as whig candidate lor president 23d 

** his inauguration 

" sketch of life of 230 

" his cabinet 244 

"• his death 2-*6 

" his last words 24/5 



United States government, salasy of office** 
V 



Van Buren 


Martin 


, gets the confidence of Jacksoh 


133 


« 


« 


appointed minister to England 


KU 


" 


" 


rejected by casting vote of J, C. Calhoun 


128 


«* 


" 


sketch of life of 


17], 172 


# 


*• 


Electoral vote of stales 


173 


" 


u 


Inauguration of 


174 


" 


" 


his cabinet 


174 


** 


° 


calls Congress together 


177 


" 


" 


recommends removal of deposits 


183 


" 


" 


nominated for President 


191 




" 


a southern man 


193 




" 


nomination of, by Free Soil Convention 


938 


Veto of United States Bank 


132 


" 


" 


reviewed by Webster 


132 


" 




" by White 


13i 


" of adjournment bill 


167 



w 

Washington's administration, 1796 

War, declaration of, June 1812 

Webster, Daniel, speech on S, Carolina nullification 

War, Black Hawk 

Washington's papers purchased . 

Whig substituted for federalist 

" by whom the name applied to present party 

M National Convention 



IK) 
I3:t 



162 
HB 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS *1 

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